PART II

MORMONISM UNVEILED;

EMBRACING A HISTORY OF MORMONISM FROM ITS INCEPTION DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME, WITH AN EXPOSITION OF THE SECRET HISTORY, SIGNS, SYMBOLS, AND CRIMES OF THE MORMON CHURCH.

ALSO THE TRUE HISTORY OF THE HORRIBLE BUTCHERY KNOWN AS THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE.

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lightened he could not get the powder in the gun, so my wife, Rachel, loaded it for him. I looked around to see how things were, and I saw seven of my wives standing with guns in their hands, ready to shoot if I was attacked.

I succeeded in driving the whole band of Indians away from the settlement.

Sometime after the Indians had gone away an old chief returned and brought an ax, that he said one of his braves had stolen. I gave him a little ammunition and some bread, and he left me as a friend. My firm stand saved the settlement at that time and secured it from molestation in the future. The Indians never bothered us at Summer Quarters again. In the Fall they made us a friendly visit, and called me a Sioux Captain. Near our settlement there was an abundance of wild game ---deer, turkey, prairie chickens, ducks, geese, brunt, squirrels, etc., which gave us much of our food during our stay there. We worked diligently and raised an abundant crop of corn and vegetables. We built good, comfortable houses, and made the floors and roofs of bass-wood, which was abundant, near by, and worked easily. In July the people were nearly all sick. The fever and ague were nearly a contagion. Other diseases were not uncommon. In August and September seventeen of our people died. During those months we had hardly a sufficient number of well people to attend to the sick. The moat of my family were very sick. My little son, Heber John, the child of my first wife, Agatha Ann, died; also David Young, Sr., the father of my two wives, Polly and Louisa; also their brother, David Young, Jr. I also lay at the point of death for some time. I was in a trance about one hour and a half. While in this condition my wives, Rachel A. and Nancy G., stood over me like guardian angels, and prayed constantly for me. My spirit left the body and I was taken into another sphere, where I saw my myrinds of people ---many of whom I was acquainted with and had known on earth. The atmosphere that they dwelt in was pure and hallowed. Pain and sorrow were unknown, or at least were not felt there. All was joy and peace. Each spirit was blest with all the pleasure its ability enabled it to comprehend and enjoy. They had full knowledge of the earthly doings and also of the sphere where they were so blest. The glory of God shone upon them, and the power of Heaven overshadowed them all, and was to them a perfect shield from all temptations and dangers. I was anxious to

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remain there, but the spirits told me that I mast return to the body and remain in it until my appointed time for death ---that my work on earth was not yet finished. I obeyed, but did so with great reluctance, and once more entered the body, then apparently lifeless upon the bed of sickness. After taking possession of the body again I lay some time in deep thought, contemplating the majesty of God's works. I then spoke to my faithful nurses, and told them of what I had done, heard and witnessed. I soon recovered from my sickness, but my life was for some time a misery to me. I longed to join that angelic host that I had so lately visited in their mansions of glory and pleasure, where I knew I was to go when I could escape from this body of earthly material. This feeling of anxiety to go to my eternal rest was greatly strengthened by the bitter, malignant actions of men who acted like demons toward me and mine. Every species of intrigue and meanness was resorted to by some of the brethren to injure and torment me. They were jealous of me and anxious to provoke me to violence. Everything that envy and hatred could suggest was tried, to break up and scat

ter my family. Finally they reported to Father Morley that nothing but a change of rulers in the settlement would bring peace again.

Father Morley came, with several Elders, and called a meeting, at which he heard all the parties state their grievances against me. He then told them that they had brought nothing against me that reflected upon me as presiding officer; that I had acted well and for the best interest of the entire people; that all the trouble was from the wrong acts of the people.

One of the brethren, C. Kennedy, proposed a change. He wanted a High Priest to preside instead of a Seventy. I was tired of my position and consented to the change. A man by the name of Fuller was selected by Kennedy to rule over the people. Father Morley put the question to a vote of the people and said that all who wished for a change of rulers should hold up their hands. Only two hands were raised. Then he said that all who wished me to remain in charge should raise their hands, when every person present but two voted that I should still be the ruler of that people at Summer Quarters.

Father Morley then called upon the two brethren who voted against me to get up and tell what they had against me. They could give no good reason for wanting a change. They said

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they never lived by a better neighbor or kinder hearted man than I was, but that I was too kind; that I. let the people run over me; that they voted for a change believing it would tend to unite the people and satisfy those who had been raising the fuss and finding fault.

Father Morley told them it was wrong to vote against a good man for such reasons. He then talked to the people on the principles of their religion for some time, and advised them to forsake their evil ways, for they were going in a way that led to hell, etc.

This ended my troubles for a short time, but I soon found out that my enemies had only let go their hold so they could spit on their hands and get a better one. They next asked to be allowed to organize a police force for the protection of the settlement. This was to be entirely separate from me. I granted their request. It was next decided to build an estray pound. A meeting was called and it was agreed that each man should build fence in proportion to the amount of stock that he owned, and that the public corral should be used for the estray pound. But no stock should be put into the pound until all the fencing was done, the gates set up, etc. I at once completed my fencing, but the grumblers had no time to work; they were kept busy finding fault. (This whole thing was a subterfuge to bother me; there was no need of a pound, as our cattle were all herded in day time and corraled at night. But I submitted, for I knew I could live by their laws as well as they could.) One evening soon after that, as the cattle were being driven up for the night, one of my oxen ran through a brush fence and got into a patch of corn. The herdsman ran him out in a moment. Instead of holding the herder responsible for the damage, or coming to me to make a complaint and demanding pay for the damage, they took my ox out of the corral, and, contrary to the vote of the people, took and tied him up to Win. Pace's private corral. I was the only man there who had made his fence, as ordered by the meeting. I did not know that they had my ox tied up (for the-work had not been done yet to justify putting any stock in the pound). Next morning I sent some of my boys out to yoke up my oxen, when they returned and informed me that one of my oxen was missing. I soon found the ox, and demanded its release. I was told I must pay $20 before I could have the ox, and that I must pay it in money. I saw this was done to worry

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me, so I sent word that I would pay in any kind of property that I had. They refused everything but money or butter. I had neither to spare, and they well knew it. I was still weak from my recent sickness, but I walked over and had a talk with Win. Pace and tried to reason with him, but all to no purpose. I told him he should take pay for damage done by stock in the kind of property that the stock injured, but no, I must pay money or butter, or lose my ox. I reflected a moment and concluded that forbearance had ceased to be a virtue; that unless I defended my rights I would soon be without anything worth protecting. I then walked into the yard and untied the ox, and told my boy to drive him home. Pace stood by the gate with a large cane, but made no resistance; in fact he was not a bad man, but was being misled by bad company. Kennedy, Busby, Dunn, and others, were a little way off. They saw me, and came running to me. Charles Kennedy was the bully of the camp, and the leader of those against me. He came up and said,

"If I had been here you would not have turned that ox out. I would have switched you if you had tried it."

I said, "Kennedy, I have lost property enough through the police without your oppressing me any more."

I had lost ten head of mules just before that by the dishonesty of the police. I then said I lost my mules by the failure of the police to do their duty, and I would not be imposed on in this way any more. He then shoved his fist under my nose. I parried his blow, and told him that he would do well to keep at a proper distance from me. He again made a pass at me. I then threw down my hat and said: "If you attempt that again you must take what follows."

He came at me the third time, and as he did so I aimed to spoil his face, but he dropped his head as I struck, and the blow took effect on his eye-brow, and badly sprained my thumb. We were on a little knoll, full of the stumps of small trees that had been cut down. Kennedy caught hold of me and commenced shoving me back. I knew that my strength would not last long. I did not wish to risk having a tussel among the stumps. So I backed out towards the cleared ground. I fastened my left hand in his long black hair to steady myself, and as I reached the fiat ground, I suddenly sprang back, breaking his hold, by tearing my shirt. I then jerked him forward to an angle of forty- five degrees and planted my flit square in his face; stepping

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back, and drawing him after me, I kept gradually feeding him in the face with my fist, the blood spurting from him all over me. The crowd saw their bully getting the worst of it, so they ran in to help him. Brother Teeples caught me around the arms, to prevent me from striking any more. My Rachel, who was standing by, called to her brother, James Woolsey, and he came and took hold of Kennedy and separated us.

I was very sorry that this fight took place, for I was forced to admit that I had fearfully punished the bully, his face was badly bruised. This suited the people; I had shown violence, and now they could lay a charge against me that they thought would stand.

I was at once cited to appear before the High Council, and be dealt with according to the rules of the Church, for a breach of the peace and unchristian conduct. The whole people were not against me, only a few; but there were enough of them to keep. up a constant broil. They then began consecrating my property to their own use; killed my cattle, and ate them, and stole nearly everything that was loose. They stole wheat from my graineries, had it ground and eat it, and bragged about it. Kennedy, by the evil influences he commanded, induced my young wife, Emeline, to leave me and go to his house, and she went with his family to Winter Quarters. That was the reason that I warned her away and refused to take her back again. She repented and wished to come back, but I would not take her again. Similar influences were brought to bear on all of my family, but without much success. Such horrid treatment was not calculated to bind me to such a people, whose only aim appeared to be to deprive me of every comfort and enjoyment that made life endurable. I was in great trouble; in place of friends I had found enemies. There was a great struggle in my mind to decide what I should do. I looked upon those of my family that remained true and shared my persecutions, and knew that if I left the Church I could not keep and live with them; that if I left I must part with all but my first wife and her children-to do so was worse than death. I did not know what to do.

I finally appeared before the High Council to meet my accusers, who had formed a combination to destroy me. I had but few friends to defend me, and they were in a measure powerless. They dared not speak their mind in my behalf. Father Morley was true to me to the last, though he was becoming unpopular

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LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE.

page 209

lar on account of having so long supported me. Lieut. Samuel Gully was another true friend of mine; he said he would never turn against me until I had done something wrong, even if Brigham Young should desire him to do so. This at once lost him his influence in the Council. The most willful and damnable lies were brought up against me. Many things which had been said and done in moments of amusement and jocularity were brought up, as if I had said and done the things for wicked purposes. Everything that could be discovered or invented to injure mawas laid to my charge. All who were against me had a full chance to talk. Then Aaron Johnson, who was there, but not as a member of the Council, was called upon to fill a vacancy occasioned by the absence of some member. He made a speech to the Council, and showed them where I had acted well; he then voted for my acquittal. James W. Cummings, who had been a member of the Council when I was first tried in the Summer, and who then took my part, now thought he would make himself popular with the people, so lie volunteered his evidence and gave false evidence against me. This man's action was very wrong and uncharitable. I had been more than a brother to him in the past; I had supplied his family with food many times when they would have suffered but for the help I gave them.. This man is still a pet of Brigham Young's. The result of that, trial was that I was ordered to confess that I had been in fault,. and that I was alone to blame, and must ask the people to forgive me. If I refused I was to be cut off from the Church. To. a man in my situation it was equivalent to death to be cut off from the, Church; my wives would be taken from me, my property consecrated to the Church, and I turned adrift, broken and disgraced, and liable to suffer death at the hand of any brother of the Church who wished to take my life, either to save my soul, or for purposes of revenge.

I replied that in justice to myself I could not make such s confession, but that, if nothing else would do, I would say, as the Council demands me to say, I would make the confession. I was told that this would not do; that no whipping of the devil around a stamp would do them; my confession mast be full and unconditional. What the result would have been I cannot say, for just then a messenger returned, saying President Young was near at hand, on his return with the pioneers who had gone out with him to look for a resting place for the Saints. This stopped 14

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all further proceedings. The majority of - the people rushed forth to meet Brigham Young.

I returned home, conscious of my own innocence and willing that the people should have the first show to talk to the President and give him their side of the case. I did this in part so I could tell how much he could be stuffed. The people told their story and misrepresented me in every way; they told him how I had divided the land, and said that I and Father Morley both said that he had ordered me and my family to take the cleared land. This Brigham Young flatly denied, and he never told a meaner lie in his life than that one, for he had insisted upon my taking much more of it than I did. He accused Father Morley and myself of being liars.

After that there was nothing left undone by many of the people that would irritate or injure me or my family. My property was stolen, my fences broken down, and everything that mean men could imagine or work up by acting in combination in studying deviltry was done to make life a burden to me. I .had raised over seven thousand bushels of corn, and every one Chad a good crop. I had a large lot filled up in the husk, and I let my cattle run to it so as to keep them fat during the Winter, .that I might drive them over the plains in the Spring. The rotr ten-hearted police took advantage of my position, and drove my cattle from my own corn-pine and put them into the estray pound, and charged me fifty dollars for thus illegally putting my cattle, in the pound. I offered to put all the corn I had into their hands .as security, until I could have a meeting called to examine into the charge. I wanted my cows at home, for we needed the milk. .I had a large family, and many little children that would suffer without milk. Half the men in the settlement offered to go my security for' the payment of the fifty dollars, if a meeting decided that I should pay it; but all to no purpose. The police wanted the milk themselves, and so they kept my -zows. I sent Lieutenant Gully to Brigham Young with a state. ment of the case, but he paid no attention to it. Gully was well acquainted with Brigham Young, and was a fine man too. He insisted on giving Brigham the story in full, and demanded that he should go in person and see to the matter. But the President was immovable.

Things stood this way until Emeline, one of Brigham's wives, took the matter to heart, and begged him to go and see about

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LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE.

the affair, and asked him to bring her to my house, to visit her sister Louisa, then one of my wives. He came, but said little of the trouble, and soon left again.

Two days afterwards I wrote Brigham Young a kind letter, and invited him to come to my house and eat a turkey dinner with me. I sent this by L. Stewart. He met Brigham on his way to my house and gave him my letter. I did not expect he would come to see me, but he was there. He treated me most kindly. When supper-time came lie said to one of my wives,

"Sister, I have come for a bowl of good milk, but skim the cream off."

She replied, "We have no milk."

"How is that?" said lie. "I thought Brother John always had milk."

I then told him that the police had my cows in the pound.

He said, "What on earth are they doing with your cows?"

I then told him the whole story in a few words. He scarcely waited to hear me, but called to his carriage driver, George D. Grant, and said,

"Come, George, I will go and see about this matter."

He returned quite soon, saying, " Your cows will soon be here, and I do not think the police will meddle with them again."

He then asked me where my turkey was. I told him my friend Kennedy had robbed me of rill my turkeys, but perhaps I could borrow one from him. I then sent Brother Gully to ask Kennedy to loan me a couple of fat turkeys; that I had President Young at my house and wanted them for lids supper. He sent back word that President Young was welcome to all the turkeys he wanted, at his house. I then told President Young I would go out hunting and get him a nice one for dinner the newt day. I went out that night with Gully and hunted some time, but the snow was a foot deep or more, and a crust had frozen on the toll of it, so it was difficult hunting. At last we found a large drove of turkeys at roost in the tall cottonwood timber. I allot two of them by star light; one fell in the river, and we lost it, but the other fell dead at the roots of the tree. This was a very large and fat turkey. I considered it would do, and we returned home with it. We had been gone only a little over an hour. Brigham Young staid at my house while I was gone. We sat by the fire and talked until near midnight. I unbosomed myself to him; ; I told him of all my ill treatment, and asked him if I had

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failed in any respect to perform the duties of my mission that he gave me before he started with the pioneers across the plains. I told him of the great crop we had raised; that we had it in abundance to feed the poor and for every purpose; so much in fact that there was no sale for it. He said,

You have done well, and you shall be blessed for it."

I said I hoped my blessings would be different from what I had been receiving. He replied,

'`Jesus has said, In this world you shall have tribulation, but in Isle you shall have peace-that is, if you bear these things patiently, without murmuring."

NOTE. --- The time having arrived for John D. Lee to start to the place of execution, he laid down his pen and left his manuscript just as I have given it to the reader. Fate decreed that his Autobiography should be left in this unfinished state, but fortunately he had previously dictated a full confession to me, embracing all the principal events of his life from the time that his Autobiography closed up to his death; which, being added to his own manuscript, makes his life complete. The Confession is given just as he dictated it to me, without alteration or elimination, except in a few cases where the ends of justice might have been defeated by premature revelations.

Extracts from this Confession have heretofore been given to the press, but the entire Confession has not been published anywhere except in this book.

WM. W. BISHOP.

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LAST CONFESSION AND STATEMENT OF

JOHN D. LEE.

CHAPTER XVIII.

WRITTEN •T HIS DICTATION AND DELIVERED TO WILLIAM W. BISHOP,

ATTORNEY FOB LEE, WITH A BEQUEST THAT THE

SAME BE PUBLISHED.

AS A DUTY to myself, my family, and mankind at large, I propose to give a full and true statement of all that I know and all that I did in that unfortunate affair, which has cursed my existence, and made me a wanderer from place to place for the last nineteen years, and which is known to the world as the MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE.

I have no vindictive feeling against any one; no enemies to punish by this statement; and no friends to shield by keeping back, or longer keeping secret, any of the facts connected with the Massacre.

I believe that I must tell all that I do know, and tell everything just as the same transpired. I shall tell the truth and permit the public to judge who is Lost to blame for the crime that I am accused of committing. I did not act alone; I had many to assist me at the Mountain Meadows. I believe that most of those who were connected with the Massacre, and took part in the lamentable transaction that has blackened the character of all who were eiders or abettors in the same, were acting under the impression that they were performing a religious duty. I know all were acting under the orders and by the command of their Church leaders; and I firmly believe that the most of those who took part in the proceedings, considered it a religious duty to unquestioningly obey the orders which they had received. That limy- acted from a sense of duty to the Mormon Church, I 213

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never doubted. Believing that those with me acted from a sense of religious duty on that occasion, I have faithfully kept the secret of their guilt, and remained silent and true to the oath of secrecy which we took on the bloody field, for many long and bitter years. I have never betrayed those who acted with me and participated in the crime for which I am convicted, and for which I am to suffer death:

My attorneys, especially Wells Spicer and Wm. W. Bishop, have long tried, but tried in vain, to induce me to tell all I knew of the massacre and the causes which led to it. I have heretofore refused to tell the tale. Until the last few days I had intended to die, if die I must, without giving one word to the public concerning those who joined willingly, or unwillingly, in the work of destruction at Mountain Meadows.

To hesitate longer, or to die in silence, would be unjust and cowardly. I will not keep the secret any longer as my own, but will tell all I know.

At the earnest request of a few remaining friends, and by the advice of Mr. Bishop, my counsel, who has defended me thus far with all his ability, notwithstanding my want of money with which to pay even his expenses while attending to my case, I have concluded to write facts as I know them to exist.

I cannot go before the Judge of the quick and the dead without first revealing all that I know, as to what was done, who ordered me to do what I did do, and the motives that led to the commission of that unnatural and bloody deed.

The immediate orders for the killing of the emigrants came from those in authority at Cedar City. At the time of the massacre, I and those with me, acted by virtue of positive orders from Isaac C. Haight and his associates at Cedar City. Before I started on my mission to the Mountain Meadows, I was told by Isaac C. Haight that his orders to me were the result of full consultatation with Colonel William H. Dame and all in authority. It is a new thing to me, if the massacre was not decided on by the head men of the Church, and it is a new thing for Mormons to condemn those who committed the deed.

Being forced to speak from memory alone, without the aid of my memoandum books, and not having time to correct the statements that I make, I will necessarily give many things out of their regular order. The superiority that I claim for my statement is this:

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LEE'S CONFESSION.

•t-t. THAT I DO SAY IS TRUE AND NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH.

I will begin my statement by saying, I was born on the 6th day of September, A. D. 1812, in the town of Kaskaskia, Ran- County, State of Illinois. I am therefore in the sixty-fifth year of my age.

I joined the Mormon Church at Far West, Mo., about thirty-nine years ago. To be with that Church and people I left my home on .Luck Creek, Fayette County, Illinois, and went and joined the Mormons in Missouri, before the troubles at Gallatin,.

Far West and other points, between the Missourians and Mormons. I shared the fate of my brother Mormons, in being mistreated, arrested, robbed and driven from Missouri in a destitute condition, by a wild and fanatical mob. But of all this I shall speak in my life, which I shall write for publication if I have time to do so.

I took an active part with the leading men at Nauvoo, in building up that city. I induced many Saints to move to Nauvoo for the sake of their souls. I traveled and preached the Mormon doctrine in many States. I was an honored man in the Church, and stood high with the Priesthood, until the last few years. I am now cut off from the Church for obeying the orders of my superiors, and doing so without asking questions---for doing as my religion and my religious teachers had taught me to do. I am now used by the Mormon Church as a scape-goat to carry the sins of that people. My life is to be taken, so that my death may stop further enquiry into the acts of the men who are still in good standing in the Church. Will my death satisfy the nation for all the crimes committed by Mormons at the command of the Priesthood, who have used and now have deserted me? Time will tell. I believe in a just God, and I know the day will come when others must answer for their

arts, as I have had to do.

I first became acquainted with Brigham Young when I went to Far West, Mo., to join the Church, in 1837. I got very intimately acquainted with all the great leaders of the Church. I was adopted by Brigham Young as one of his sons, and for many years I confess I looked upon him as an inspired and holy man. While in Nauvoo I took an active part in all that was done for the Church or the city.

I Gad charge of the building of the w "Seventy Hall;" Ila] ;" I was 7th Policeman. M3- duty as a police

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man was to guard the residence and person of Joseph Smith, the 'Prophet. After the death of Joseph and Hyrum I was ordered to perform the same duty for Brigham Young. When Joseph Smith was a candidate for the Presidency of the United States I went to Kentucky as the chairman of the Board of Elders, or head of the delegation, to secure the vote of that State for him. When I returned to Nauvoo again I was General Clerk and Recorder for the Quorum of the Seventy. I was also head or Chief Clerk for the Church, and as such took an active part in organizing the Priesthood into the order of Seventy after the death of Joseph Smith.

After the destruction of Nauvoo, when the Mormons were driven from the State of Illinois, I again shared the fate of my brethren, and partook of the hardships and trials that befell them from that day up to the settlement of Salt Lake City, in the then wilderness of the nation. I presented Brigham Young with seven ox teams, fully equipped, when he started with the people from Winter Quarters to cross the plains to the new resting place of the Saints. He accepted them and said, "I God bless you, John." But I never received a cent for them. I never wanted pay for them, for in giving property to Brigham Young I thought I was loaning it to the Lord.

After reaching Salt Lake City I stayed there but a short time, when I went to live at Cottonwood, where the mines were afterwards discovered by General Connor and his men during the late war.

I was just getting fixed to live there, when I was ordered to go out into the interior and aid in forming new settlements, and opening up the country. I then had no wish or desire, save that to know and be able to do the will of the Lord's anointed, Brigham Young, and until within the last few years I have never had a wish for anything else except to do his pleasure, since I became his adopted son. I believed it my duty to obey those in authority. I then believed that Brigham Young spoke by direction of the God of Heaven. I would have suffered death rather than have disobeyed any command of his. I had this feeling until he betrayed and deserted me. At the command of Brigham Young, I took one hundred and twenty-one men, went in a southern direction from Salt Lake City, and laid out and built up Parowan. George A. Smith was the

Is leader and chief man in authority in that settlement. I aced ,under him

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page 217

as historian and clerk of the Iron County Mission, until January, 1851. I went with Brigham Young, and acted as a committee man, and located Provo, St. George, Fillmore, Parowan and other towns, and managed the location of many of the settlements in Southern Utah.

In 1852, I moved to Harmony, and built up that settlement. I remained there until the Indians declared war against the

whites and drove the settlers into Cedar City and Parowan, for protection, in the year 1853.

I removed my then numerous family to Cedar City, where I was appointed a Captain of the militia, and commander of Cedar City Military Post.

I had commanded at Cedar City about one year, when I was ordered to return to Harmony, and build the Harmony Fort. This order, like all other orders, came from Brigham Young. When I returned to Harmony and commenced building the fort there, the orders were given by Brigham Young for the reorganization of the military at Cedar City. The old men were requested to resign their offices, and let younger men be appointed in their place. I resigned my office of Captain, but Isaac C. Haight and John M. Higbee refused to resign, and continued to hold on as Majors in the Iron Militia.

After returning to Harmony, I was President of the civil and local affairs, and Rufus Allen was President of that Stake of Zion, or head of the Church affairs.

I soon resigned my position as President of civil affairs, and became a private citizen, and was in no office for some time. In fact, I never held any position after that, except the office of Probate Judge of the County (which office I held before and after the massacre), and member of the Territorial Legislature, and Delegate to the Constitutional Convention which met and adopted a constitution for the State of Deseret, after the massacre.

I will here state that Brigham Young honored me in many ways after the affair at Mountain Meadows was fully reported to him by me, as I will more fully state hereafter in the course of what I have to relate concerning that unfortunate transaction.

Klingensmith, at my first trial, and White, at my last trial, swore falsely when they say that they met me near Cedar City, the Sunday before the massacre. They did not meet me as they have sworn, nor did they meet me at all on that occasion or on

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any similar occasion. I never had the conversations with them that they testify about. They are both perjurers,

sad bore false testimony against me.

There has never been a witness on the stand against me that has testified to the whole truth. Some have told part truth, while others lied clear through, but all of the witnesses who were at the massacre have tried to throw all the blame on me, and to protect the other men who took part in it.

About the 7th of September, 1857. I went to Cedar City from my home at Harmony, by order of President Haight. I did not know what he wanted of me, but he had ordered me to visit him anal I obeyed. If I remember correctly, it was on Sunday evening that I went there. When I got to Cedar City, I met Isaac C. Haight on the public square of the town. Haight was then President of that Stake of Zion, and the highest man in the Mormon priesthood in that country, and neat to Wm. H. Dame in, all of Southern Utah, and as Lieutenant Colonel he was second to Dame in the command of the Iron Military District. The word and command of Isaac C. Haight were the law in Cedar City, at that time, and to disobey his orders was certain death; be they right or wrong, no Saint was permitted to question them, their duty was obedience or death.

When I met Haight, I asked him what he wanted with me. He said he wanted to have a long talk with me on private and particular business. We took some blankets and went over to the old Iron Works, and lay there that night, so that we could talk in private anal in safety. After we got to the Iron Works, Haight told me all about the train of emigrants. He said (and I then believed every word that he spoke, for I believed it was an impossible thing for one so high in the Priesthood as he was, to be guilty of falsehood) that the emigrants were a rough and abusive set of men. That they had, while traveling through Utah, been very abusive to all the Mormons they met. That they had insulted, outraged, and ravished many of the Mormon women. That the abases heaped upon the people by the emigrants during their trip from Provo to Cedar City, had been constant and shameful; that they had barred fences and destroyed growing crops; that at many points on the road they had poisoned the water, so that all people and stock that drank of the water became sick, and many had died from the effects of poison. That these vile Gentiles publicly proclaimed that they had the very

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pistol with which the Prophet, Joseph Smith, was murdered, and had threatened to kill Bigham Young and all of the Apostles. That when in Cedar City they said they would have friends is Utah who would hang Bigharm Young by the neck until he was dead, before snow fell again in the Territory. They also said that Johnston was coming, with his army, from the East, said they were going to return from California with soldiers, as soon as possible, and would then desolate the land, and kill every d---d Mormon man, woman and child that they could find in Utah. That they violated the ordinances of the town of Cedar, and had, by armed force, resisted the officers who tried to arrest them for violating the law. That after leaving Cedar City the emigrants camped by the company, or cooperative field, just below Cedar City, and burned a large portion of the fencing, leaving the crops open to the large herds of stock in the surrounding country. Also that they had given poisoned meat to the Corn Creek tribe of Indians, which had killed several of them, and their Chief, Konosh, was on the trail of the emigrants, and would soon attack them. All of these things, and much more of a like kind, Haight told me as we lay in the dark at the old Iron Works. I believed all that he said, and, thinking that he had full right to do all that he wanted to do, I was easily induced to follow his instructions.

Haight said that unless something was done to prevent it, the emigrants would carry out their threats and rob every one of the out-lying settlements in the South, and that the whole Mormon people were liable to be butchered by the troops that the emigrants would bring back with them from California. I was then told that the Council had held a meeting that day to consider the matter, and that it was decided by the authorities to arm the Indians, give them provisions and ammunition, and send them after the emigrants, and have the Indians give them a brush, and if they killed part or all of them, so much the better.

I said, " Brother Haight, who is your authority for acting is this way?"

He replied, "It is the will of all in authority. The emigrants have no pass from any one to go through the country, and they are liable to be killed as common enemies, for the country is at war now. No man has a right to go through this country without a written pass."

We lay there and talked much of the night, and during that

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time Haight gave me very full instructions what to do, and how to proceed in the whole affair. He said he had consulted with Colonel Dame, and every one agreed to let the Indians use up the whole train if they could. Haight then said: " I expect you to carry out your orders."

I knew I had to obey or die. I had no wish to disobey, for I then thought that my superiors in the Church were the mouthpieces of Heaven, and that it was an act of godliness for me to obey any and all orders given by them to me, without my asking any questions.

My orders were to go home to Harmony, and see Carl Shirts, my son-in-law, as Indian interpreter, and send him to the Indiana in the South, to notify them that the Mormons and Indians were at war with the 1° Mericats" (as the Indians called all whites that were not Mormons) and bring all the Southern Indians up and have them join with those from the North, so that their force would be sufficient to make a successful attack on the emigrants.

It was agreed that Haight would send Nephi Johnson, another Indian interpreter, to stir up all the other Indians that he could find, in order to have a large enough force of Indians to give the emigrants a good hush. He said, °1 These are the orders that have been agreed upon by the Council, and it is in accordance with the feelings of the entire people."

I asked him if it would not have been better to first send to Brigham Young for instructions, and find out what he thought about the matter.

I I No," said Haight, " that is unnecessary, we are ailing by orders. Some of the Indiana are now on the war-path, and all of them must be sent out; all must go, so as to make the thing a success."

It was then intended that the Indians should kill the emigrants, and make it an Indian massacre, and not have any whites interfere with them. No whites word to be known in the matter, it was to be all done by the Indians, so that it could be laid to them, if any questions were ever asked about it. I said to Haight:

11 Yon know what the Indians are. They will kill all the parry, women and children, as well as the men, and yon know we are sworn not to shed innocent blood."

" Oh h---11," said he, "There will not be one drop of innocent

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blood shed, if every one of the d-d pack are killed, for they are the worse lot of out-laws and ruffians that I ever saw in my life."

We agreed upon the whole thing, how each one should act, and then left the iron works, and went to Haight's house and got breakfast.

After breakfast I got ready to start, and Haight said to me

1° Go, Brother Lee, and see that the instructions of those in authority are obeyed, and as you are dutiful in this, so shall your reward be in the kingdom of God, for God will bless those who willingly obey counsel, and make all things fit for the people in these last days."

I left Cedar City for my home at Harmony, to carry out the instructions that I had received from my superior.

I then believed that he acted by the direct order and command of William H. Dame, and others even higher in authority than Colonel Dame. One reason for thinking so was from a talk I had only a few days before, with Apostle George A. Smith, and he had just then seen Haight, and talked with him, and I knew that George A. Smith never talked of things that Brigham Young had not talked over with him before-hand. Then the Mormons were at war with the United States, and the orders to the Mormons had been all the time to kill and waste away our enemies, but lose none of our people. These emigrants were from the section of country most hostile to our people, and I believed then as I do now, that it was the will of every true Mormon in Utah, at that time, that the enemies of the Church should be killed as fast as possible, and that as this lot of people had men amongst them that were supposed to have helped kill the Prophets in the Carthage jail, the killing of all of them would be keeping our oaths and avenging the blood of the Prophets.

In j justice to myself I will give the facts of my talk with George A. Smith.

In the latter part of the month of August, 1857, about ten days before the company of Captain Faucher, who met their doom at Mountain Meadows, arrived at that place, General George A. Smith called on me at one of my homes at Washington City, Washington County, Utah Territory, and wished me to take him round by Fort Clara, via Pinto Settlements, to Hamilton Fort, or Cedar City. He said,

"I have been sent down here by the old Boss, Brigham Young,

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to instruct the brethren of the different settlements not to sell any of their grain to our enemies. And to tell them not to feed it to their animals, for it will all be needed by ourselves. I am also to instruct the brethren to prepare for a big fight, for the enemy is coming in large force to attempt our destruction. But Johnston's army will not be allowed to approach our settlements from the east. God is on our side and will fight our battles for us, and deliver our enemies into our hands. Brigham Young has received revelations from God, giving him the right and the power to call down the curse of God on all our enemies who attempt to invade our Territory. Our greatest danger lies in the people of California-a class of reckless miners who are strangers to God and his righteousness. They are likely to come upon us from the south and destroy the small settlements. But we will try and outwit them before we suffer much damage. The people of the United States who oppose our Church and people are a mob, from the President down, and as such it is impossible for their armies to prevail against the Saints who have gathered here in the mountains."

He continued this kind of talk for some hours to me and my friends who were with me.

General George A. Smith held high rank as a military leader.

He was one of the twelve apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ

of Latter Day Saints, and as such he was considered by me to

be an inspired man. His orders were to me sacred commands,

which I considered it my duty to obey, without question or hesi-

tation.

I took my horses and carriage and drove with him to either Hamilton Fort or Cedar City, visiting the settlements with him, as he had requested. I did not go to hear him preach at any of our stopping places, nor did I pay attention to what he said to the leaders in the settlements.

The day we left Fort Clara, which was then the headquarters of the Indian missionaries under the presidency of Jacob Hamblin, we stopped to noon at the Clara River. While there the Indians gathered around us in large numbers, and were quite saucy and impudent. Their chiefs asked me where I was going and who I had with me. I told them that he was a big captain.

"Is be a Mericat Captain?"

"No," I said, "he is a Mormon."

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The Indians then wanted to know more. They wanted to have a talk.

The General told me to tell the Indians that the Mormons were their friends, and that the Americans were their enemies, and the enemies of the Mormons, too; that he wanted the Indians to remain the fast friends of the Mormons, for the Mormons were all friends to the Indians; that the Americans had a large army just east of the mountains, and intended to come .over the mountains into Utah and kill all of the Mormons and Indians in Utah Territory; that the Indians must get ready and

keep ready for war against all of the Americans, and keep friendly with the Mormons and obey what the Mormons told them to do-that this was the will of the Great Spirit; that if the Indians were true to the Mormons and would help them against their enemies, then the Mormons would always keep them from want and sickness and give them guns and ammuni

tion to hunt and kill game with, and would also help the Indians against their enemies when they went into war.

This talk pleased the Indians, and they agreed to all that I asked them to do.

I saw that my friend Smith was a little nervous and fearful of the Indians, notwithstanding their promises of friendship. To

relieve him of his anxiety I hitched up and started on our way, as soon as I could do so without rousing the suspicions of the Indians.

We had ridden along about a mile or so when General Smith said,

Those are savage looking fellows. I think they would make it lively for an emigrant train if one should come this way."

I said I thought they would attack any train that would come

in their way. Then the General was in a deep study for some time, when he said,

" Suppose an emigrant train should come along through this southern Vountry, making threats against our people and bragging of the part they took in helping kill our Prophets, what do

you think the brethren would do with them? Would they be permitted to go their way, or would the brethren pitch into them and give them a good drubbing?"

I reflected a few moments, and then said,

"You know the brethren are now under the influence of the late reformation, and are still red-hot for the gospel. The

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brethren believe the government wishes to destroy them. I really believe that any train of emigrants that may come through here will be attacked, and probably all destroyed. I am sure they would be wiped out if they had been making threats against our people. Unless emigrants have a pass from Brigham Young, or some one in authority, they will certainly never get safely through this country."

My reply pleased him very much, and he laughed heartily, and then said,

" Do you really believe the brethren would make it lively for such a train?"

I said, « Yes, sir, I know they will, unless they are protected by a pass, and I wish to inform you that unless you want every train captured that comes through here, you must inform Governor Young that if he wants emigrants to pass, without being molested, he must send orders to that effect to Colonel Win. H. Dame or Major Isaac C. Haight, so that they can give passes to the emigrants, for their passes will insure safety, but nothing else will, except the positive orders of Governor Young, as the people are all bitter against the Gentiles, and full of religious zeal, and anxious to avenge the blood of the Prophets."

The only reply he made was to the effect that on his way down from Salt Lake City he had had a long talk with Major Haight on the same subject, and that Haight had assured him, and given him to understand, that emigrants who came along without a pass from Governor Young could not escape from the Territory.

We then rode along in silence for some distance, when he again turned to me and said,

" Brother Lee, 1 am satisfied that the brethren are under the full influence of the reformation, and I believe they will do just as you say they will with the wicked emigrants that come through the country making threats and abusing our people.

1 repeated my views to him, but at much greater length, giving my reasons in full for thinking that Governor Young should give orders to protect all the emigrants that he did not wish destroyed. I went into a full statement of the wrongs of our people, and told him that the people were under the blaze of the reformation, full of wild fire and fanaticism, and that to shed the blood of those who would dare to speak against the Mormon Church or its leaders, they would consider doing the

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will of God, and that the people would do it as willingly and cheerfully as they would any other duty. That the apostle Paul, when he started forth to persecute the followers of Christ, was not any more sincere than every Mormon was then, who lived in Southern Utah.

My words served to cheer up the General very much; he was greatly delighted, and said,

" I am glad to bear so good an account of our people. God will bless them for all that they do to build up His Kingdom in the last days."

General Smith did not say one word to me or intimate to me, that he wished any emigrants to pass in safety through the Territory. But he led me to believe then, as I believe now, that he did want, and expected every emigrant to be killed that undertook to pass through the Territory while we were at war with the Government. I thought it was his mission to prepare the people for the bloody work.

I have always believed, since that day, that General George A. Smith was then visiting Southern Utah to prepare the people for the work of exterminating Captain Faucher's train of emigrants, and I now believe that he was sent for that purpose by the direct command of Brigham Young.

I have been told by Joseph Wood, Thomas T. Willis, ands many others, that they heard George A. Smith preach at Cedar City during that trip, and that he told the people of Cedar City that the emigrants were coming and he told them that they must not sell that company any grain, or provisions of any kind, for they were a mob of villains and outlaws, and the enemies of trod and the Mormon people.

Sidney Littlefield, of Panguitch, has told me that he was knowing to the fact of Colonel Win. H. Dame sending orders from Parowan to Maj. Height, at Cedar City, to exterminate the Francher outfit, and to kill every emigrant without fail. Littlefield then lived at Parowan, and Dame was the Presiding Bishop. Dame still has all the wives he wants, and is a great friend of Brigham Young.

The knowledge of how George A. Smith felt toward the emigrants, and his telling me that he had a long talk with Haight on the subject, made me certain that it was the wish of the Church authorities that Francher and his train should be sniped out, and knowing all this, I did not doubt then, and I do not 15

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doubt it now, either, that Haight was acting by full authority from the Church leaders, and that the orders be gave to me were just the orders that he had been directed to give, when be ordered me to raise the Indians and have them attack the emigrants.

I acted through the whole matter in a way that I considered it my religious duty to act, and if what I did was a crime, it was a crime of the Mormon Church, and not a crime for which I feel individually responsible.

I must here state that Klingensmith was not in Cedar City that Sunday night. Haight said he had sent Klingensmith and others over towards Pinto, and around there, to stir up the Indians and force them to attack the emigrants.

On my way from Cedar City to my home at Harmony, I came up with a large band of Indiana under Moquetas and Big Bill, two Cedar City Chiefs; they were in their war paint, and fully equipped for battle. They halted when I came up and said they had had a big talk with Haight, Higby and Klingensmith, and had got orders from them to follow up the emigrants and kill them all, and take their property as the spoil of their enemies.

These Indians wanted me to go with them and command their forces. I told them that I could not go with them that evening, that I had orders from Haight, the big Captain, to send other Indians on the war-path to help them kill the emigrants, and that I must attend to that first; that I wanted them to go on near where the emigrants were and camp until the other Indians joined them: that I would meet them the next day and lead them.

This satisfied them, but they wanted me to send my little Indian boy, Clem, with them. After some time I consented to let Clem go with them, and I returned home.

When I got home I told Carl Shirts what the orders were that Haight had sent to him. Carl was naturally cowardly and was sot willing to go, but I told him the orders must be obeyed. He then started off that night, or early neat morning, to stir up the Indians of the South, and lead them against the emigrants. The emigrants were then camped at Mountain Meadows.

The Indians did not obey my instructions. They met, several hundred strong, at the Meadows, and attacked the emigrants Tuesday morning, just before daylight, and at the first fire, as I afterwards learned, they killed seven and wounded sixteen of

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the emigrants. The latter fought bravely, and repulsed the Indiana, killing some of them and breaking the knees of two war chiefs, who afterwards died.

The news of the battle was carried all over the country by Indian runners, and the excitement was great in all the small settlements. I was notified of what had taken place, early Tuesday morning, by an Indian who came to my house and gave me a full account of all that had been done. The Indian said it was the wish of all the Indians that I should lead them, and that I must go back with him to the camp.

I started at once, and by taking the Indian trail over the mountain, I reached the camp in about twelve miles from Harmony. To go round by the wagon road it would have been between forty and fifty miles.

When I reached the camp I found the Indians in a frenzy of excitement. They threatened to kill me unless I agreed to lead them against the emigrants, and help them kill them. They also said they had been told that they could kill the emigrants without danger to themselves, but they had lost some of their braves, and others were wounded, and unless they could kill all the "Mericats," as they called them, they would declare war against the Mormons and kill every one in the settlements.

I did as well as I could under the circumstances. I was the only white man there, with a wild and excited band of several hundred Indiana. I tried to persuade them that all would be well, that I was their friend and would see that they had their revenge, if I found out that they were entitled to revenge.

My talk only served to increase their excitement, and being afraid that they would kill me if I undertook to leave them, and I would not lead them against the emigrants, so I told them that I would go south and meet their friends, and hurry them up to help them. I intended to put a atop to the carnage if I had the power, for I believed that the emigrants had been sufficiently punished for what they had done, and I felt then, and always nave felt that such wholesale murdering was wrong.

At first the Indiana would not consent for me to leave them, but they finally said I might go and meet their friends.

I then got on my horse and left the Meadows, and went south.

I had gone about sixteen miles, when I met Carl Shirts with about one hundred Indiana, and a number of Mormons from the southern settlements. They were going to the scene of the con

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flict. How they learned of the emigrants being at the Meadows I never knew, but they did know it, and were there fully armed, and determined to obey orders.

Amongst those that I remember to have met there, were Samuel Knight, Oscar Hamblin, William Young, Carl Shirts, Harrison Pearce, James Pearce, John W. Clark, William Slade, Sr., James Matthews, Dudley Leavitt, William Hawley, (now a resident of Fillmore, Utah Territory,) William Slade, Jr., and two others whose names I have forgotten. I think they were George W. Adair and John Hawley. I know they were at the Meadows at the time of the massacre, and I think I met them that night south of the Meadows, with Samuel. Knight and the others.

The whites camped there that night with me, but most of the Indians rushed on to their friends at the camp on the Meadows.

I reported to the whites all that had taken place at the Meadows, but none of them were surprised in the least. They all seemed to know that the attack was to be made, and all about it. I spent one of the most miserable nights there that I ever passed in my life. I spent much of the night in tears and at prayer. I wrestled with God for wisdom to guide me. I asked for some sign, some evidence that would satisfy me that my mission was of Heaven, but I got no satisfaction from my God.

In the morning we all agreed to go on together to Mountain Meadows, and camp there, and then send a messenger to Haight, giving him full instructions of what had been done, and to ask him for further instructions. We knew that the original plan was for the Indians to do all the work, and the whites to do nothing, only to stay back and plan for them, and encourage them to do the work. Now we knew the Indiana could not do the work, and we were in a sad fix.

I did not then know that a messenger had been sent to Brigham Young for instructions. Haight had not mentioned it to me. I now think that James Haslem was sent to Brigham Young, as a sharp play on the part of the authorities to protect themselves, if trouble ever grew out of the matter.

We went to the Meadows and camped at the springs, about half a mile from the emigrant camp. There was a larger number of Indians there then, fully three hundred, and I think as many as four hundred of them. The two Chiefs who were shot in the knee were in a bad fix. The Indians had killed a number of the emigrants' horses, and about sixty or seventy head.

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of cattle were lying dead on the Meadows, which the Indians had killed for spite and revenge.

Our company killed a small beef for dinner, and after eating a hearty meal of it we held a council and decided to send a messenger to Haig I said to the messenger, who was either Edwards or Adair, (I cannot now remember which it was), "Tell Haight, for my sake, for the people's sake, for God's sake, send me help to protect and save these emigrants, and pacify the Indians."

The messenger started for Cedar City, from our camp on the Meadows, about 2 o'clock P. M.

We all staid on the field, and I tried to quiet and pacify the Indiana, by telling them that I had sent to Haig Lt, the Big Captain, for orders, and when lie sent his order I would know what to do. This appeared to satisfy the Indians, for said they, "The Big Captain will send you word to kill all the Mericats."

Along toward evening the Indiana again attacked the emigrants. This was Wednesday. I heard the report of their guns, and the screams of the women and children in the corral. This was more than I could stand. So I ran with William Young and John Mangum, to where the Indians were, to stop the fight. While on the way to them they fired a volley, and three balls from their guns cut my clothing. One ball went through my hat and cut my hair on the side of my head. One ball went through my abut and leaded my shoulder, the other cut my pants across my bowels. I thought this was rather warm work, but I kept on until I reached the place where the Indians were in force. When I got to them, I told them the Great Spirit would be mad at them if they killed the women

and children. I talked to them some time, and cried with sorrow when I saw that I could not pacify the savages.

When the Indians saw me in tears, they called me "Yaw buts," which in the Indian language mesas "cry baby," and to this day they call me by that name, and consider me a coward.

Oscar Hamblin was a fine interpreter, and he came to my aid and helped me to induce the Indians to atop the attack. By his help we got the Indians to agree to be quiet until word was returned from Haight. (I do not know now but what the messenger started for Cedar City, after this night attack, but I was so worried and perplexed at that time, and so much hue lisp

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pened to distract my thoughts since then, that my mind is not clear on that subject.)

On Thursday, about noon, several men came to us from Cedar City. I cannot remember the order in which all of the people came to the Meadows, but I do recollect that at this time and in this company Joel White, William C. Stewart, Benjamin Arthur, Alexander Wilden, Charles Hopkins and Tate, came to us at the camp at the springs. These men said but little, but every man seemed to know just what be was there for. As our messenger had gone for further orders, we moved our camp about four hundred yards further up the valley on to a hill, where we made camp as long as we staid there.

I soon learned that the whites were as wicked at heart as the Indians, for every little while during that day I saw white men taking aim and shooting at the emigrants' wagons. They said they were doing it to keep in practice and to help pass of the tame.

I remember one man that was shooting, that rather amused me, for he was shooting at a mark over a quarter of a mile off, and his gun would not carry a ball two hundred yards. That man was Alexander Wilden. He took pains to fig up a seat under the shade of a tree, where he continued to load and shoot until he got tired. Many of the others acted just as wild and foolish as Wilden did.

The wagons were corraled after the Indians had made the first attack. On the second day after our arrival the emigrants drew their wagons near each other and chained the wheels one to the other. While they were doing this there was no shooting going on. Their camp was about one hundred yards above and north of the spring. They generally got their water from the spring at night.

Thursday morning I saw two men start from the corral with buckets, and run to the spring and fill their buckets with water, and go back again. The bullets flew around them thick and fast, but they got into their corral in safety.

The Indians had agreed to keep quiet until orders returned from Haight, but they did not keep their word. They made a determined attack on the train on Thursday morning about daylight. At this attack the Clara Indians had one brave killed and three wounded. This so enraged that band that they left for

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home that day and drove off quite a number of cattle with them. During the day I said to John Mangum,

I will cross over the valley and go up on the other side, on the hills to the west of the corral, and take a look at the situation."

I did go. As I was crossing the valley I was seen by the emigrants, and as soon as they saw that I was a white man they ran up a white flag in the middle of their corral, or camp. They then sent two little boys from the camp to talk to me, but I could not talk to them at that time, for I did not know what orders Haight would send back to me, and until I did know his orders I did not know how to act. I hid, to keep away from the children. They came to the place where they had last seen me and hunted all around for me, but being unable to find me, they turned and went back to the camp in safety.

While the boys were looking for me several Indians came to, me and asked for ammunition with which to kill them. I told them they must not hurt the children ---that if they did I would kill the first one that made the attempt to injure them. By this act I was able to save the boys.

It is all false that has been told about little girls being dressed: in white and sent out to me. There never was anything of the kind done.

I staid on the west side of the valley for about two hours, looking down into the emigrant camp, and feeling all the torture, of mind that it is possible for a man to suffer who feels merciful, and yet knows, as I then knew, what was in store for that unfortunate company if the Indians were successful in their bloody designs.

While I was standing on the hill looking down into the corral, I saw two men leave the corral and go outside to cut some wood; the Indians and whites kept up a steady fire on them all the time, but they paid no attention to danger, and kept right. along at their work until they had it done, and then they went back into camp. The men all acted so bravely that it was impossible to keep from respecting them.

After staying there and looking down into the camp until I was nearly dead from grief, I returned to the company at camp. I was worn out with trouble and grief; I was nearly wild waiting for word from the authorities at Cedar City. I prayed for

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word to come that would enable me to save that band of suffering people, but no such word came. It never was to come.

On Thursday evening John M. Higbee, Major of the Iron Militia, and Philip G. Smith, as he is called generally, but whose name is Klingensmith, Bishop of Cedar City, came to our camp with two or three wagons, and a number of men all well armed. I can remember the following as a portion of the men who came to take part in the work of death which was so soon to follow, viz.: John M. Higbee, Major and commander of the Iron Militia, and also first counselor to Isaac C. Haight; Philip Klingensmith Bishop of Cedar City; Ira Allen, of the High Council; Robert Wiley, of the High Council; Richard Harrison, of Pinto, also a member of the High Council; Samuel McMurdy, one of the Counselors of Klingensmith; Charles Hopkins, of the City Council of Cedar City; Samuel Pollock; Daniel McFarland, a eon-in-law of Isaac C. Haight, and acting as Adjutant under Major Higbee; John Ure, of the City Council; George Hunter, of the City Council; and I honestly believe that John McFarland now an attorney-at-law at St. George, Utah, was thereI am not positive that he was, but my best impression is that he was there: Samuel Jukes; Nephi Johnson, with a number of Indians under his command; Irvin Jacobs; John Jacobs; E. Curtis, a Captain of Ten; Thomas Cartwright of the City Council and High Council; William Bateman, who afterwards carried the flag of truce to the emigrant camp; Anthony Stratton; A. Leveridge; Joseph Clews; Jabez Durfey; Columbus Freeman, and some others whose names I cannot remember. I know that our total force was fifty-four whites and over three hundred Indians.

As soon as these persons gathered around the camp, I demanded of Major Higbee what orders he had brought. I then stated fully all that had happened at the Meadows, so that every person might understand the situation.

Major Higbee reported as follows: "It is the orders of the President, that all the emigrants must be put out of the way. President Haight has counseled with Colonel Dame, or has had orders from him to put all of the emigrants out of the way; none who are old enough to talk are to be spared."

He then went on and said substantially that the emigrants had come through the country as our enemies, and as the enemies of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. That they

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had no pass from any one in authority to permit them to leave the Territory. That none but friends were permitted to leave the Territory, and that as these were our sworn enemies, they must be killed. That they were nothing but a portion of Johnston's army. That if they were allowed to go on to California, they would raise the war cloud in the West, and bring certain destruction upon all the settlements in Utah. That the only safety for the people was in the utter destruction of the whole rascally lot.

I then told them that God would have to change my heart before I could consent to such a wicked thing as the wholesale killing of that people. I attempted to reason with Higbee and the brethren. I told them how strongly the emigrants were fortified, and how wicked it was to kill the women and children. I was ordered to be silent. Higbee said I was resisting authority.

He then said, "Brother Lee is afraid of shedding innocent blood. Why, brethren, there is not a drop of innocent blood in that entire camp of Gentile outlaws ; they are set of cut-throats, robbers and assassins; they are a part of the people who drove the Saints from Missouri, and who aided to shed the blood of our Prophets, Joseph and Hyrum, and it is our orders from all in authority, to get the emigrants from their stronghold, and help the Indians kill them."

I then said that Joseph Smith had told us never to betray any one. That we could not get the emigrants out of their corral unless we used treachery, and I was opposed to that.

I was interrupted by Higbee, Klingensmith and Hopkins, who said it was the orders of President Isaac C. Haight to us, and that Haight had his orders from Colonel Dame and the authorities at Parowan, and that all in authority were of one mind, and that they had been sent by the Council at Cedar City to the Meadows to counsel and direct the way and manner that the company of emigrants should be disposed of.

The men then in council, I must here state, now knelt down in a prayer circle and prayed, invoking the Spirit of God to direct them how to act in tine matter.

After prayer, Major Higbee said, "Here are the orders," and handed me a paper from Haight. It was in substance that it was the orders of Haight to decoy the emigrants from their position, and kill all of them that could talk. This order was in

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writing. Higbee handed it to me and I read it, and then dropped it on the ground, saying, " I cannot do this."

The substance of the orders were that the emigrants should be decoyed from their strong-hold, and all exterminated, so that no one would be left to tell the tale, and then the authorities could say it was done by the Indians.

The words decoy and exterminate were used in that message or order, and these orders came to us as the orders from the Council at Cedar City, and as the orders of our military superior, that we were bound to obey. The order was signed by Haight, as commander of the troops at Cedar City.

Haight told me the next day after the massacre, while on the Meadows, that he got his orders from Colonel Dame.

I then left the Council, and went away to myself, and bowed myself in prayer before God, and asked Him to overrule the decision of that Council. I shed many bitter tears, and my tortured soul was wrung nearly from the body by my great suffering. I will here say, calling upon Heaven, angels, and the spirits of just men to witness what I say, that if I could then have had a thousand worlds to command, I would have given them freely to save that company from death.

While in bitter anguish, lamenting the sad condition of myself and others, Charles Hopkins, a man that 7 had great confidence in, came to me from the Council, and tried-to comfort me by saying that he believed it was all right, for the brethren in the Priesthood were all united in the thing, and it would not be well for me to oppose them.

I told him the Lord must change my heart before 1 could ever do such an act willingly. I will further state that there was a reign of terror in Utah, at that time, and many a man had been put out of the way, on short notice, for disobedience, .and I had made some narrow escapes.

At the earnest solicitation of Brother Hopkins, I returned with him to the Council. When I got back, the Council again prayed for aid. The Council was called The City Counselors, the Church or High Counselors; and all in authority, together with the private citizens, then formed a circle, and kneeling down, so that elbows would touch each other, several of the brethren prayed for Divine instructions.

After prayer, Major Higbee said, "I have the evidence of God's

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approval of our mission. It is God's will that we carry out our instructions to the letter."

I said, " My God! this is more than I can do. I must and do refuse to take part in this matter."

Higbee then said to me, "Brother Lee, I am ordered by President Haight to inform you, that you shall receive a crown of Celestial glory for your faithfulness, and your eternal joy shall be complete." I was much shaken by this offer, for I had full faith in the power of the Priesthood to bestow such rewards and blessings, but I was anxious to save the people. I then proposed that we give the Indians all of the stock of the emigrants, except sufficient to haul their wagons, and let them go. To this proposition all the leading men objected. No man there raised his voice or hand to favor the saving of life, except myself.

The meeting was then addressed by some one in authority, I do not remember who it was. He spoke in about this language: "Brethren, we have been sent here to perform a duty. It is a duty that we owe to God, and to our Church and people. The orders of those in authority are that all the emigrants must die. Our leaders speak with inspired tongues, and their orders come from the God of Heaven. We have no right to question what they have commanded us to do; it is our duty to obey. If we wished to act as some of our weak-kneed brethren desire us to do, it would be impossible; the thing has gone too far to allow us to stop now. The emigrants know that we have aided the Indians, and if we let them go they will bring certain destruction upon us. It is a fact that on Wednesday night, two of the emigrants

got out of camp and started back to Cedar City for assistance to withstand the Indian attacks; they had reached Richards' Springs when they met William C. Stewart, Joel White and Benjamin Arthur, three of our brethren from Cedar City. The men stated their business to the brethren, and as their horses were drinking at the 'Spring, Brother Stewart, feeling unusually full of zeal for the glory of God and the upbuilding of the Kingdom of God on earth, shot and killed one of the emigrants, a young man by the name of Aden. When Aden fell from his horse, Joel White shot and wounded the other Gentile; but he unfortunately got away, and returned to his camp and reported that the Mormons were helping the Indians in all that they were doing against the emigrants. Now the emigrants will report these facts in California if we let them go. We must kill them

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all, and our orders are to get them out by treachery if no other

thing can be done to get them into our power."

Many of the brethren spoke is the same way, all arguing that the orders must be carried out.

I was then told the plan of action bad been agreed upon, and it was this: The emigrants were .to be decoyed from their strong-hold under a promise of protection. Brother William Bateman was to carry a flag of truce and demand a parley, and then I was to go and arrange the terms of the surrender. I was to demand that all the children who were so young they could not talk should be put into a wagon, and the wounded were also to be put into a wagon. Then all the arms and ammunition of the emigrants should be put into a wagon, and I was to agree that the Mormons would protect the emigrants from the Indians and conduct them to Cedar City in safety, where they should be protected until an opportunity came for sending them to California.

It was agreed that when I had. made the full agreement and treaty, as the brethren called it, the wagons should start for Hamblin's Ranch with the arms, the wounded and the children. The women were to march on foot and follow the wagons in single file; the men were to follow behind the women, they also to march in single file. Major John M. Higbee was to stand with his militia company about two hundred yards from the camp, and stand in double file, open order, with about twenty feet space between the files, so that the wagons could pass between them. The drivers were to keep right along, and not stop at the troops. The women were not to atop there, but to follow the wagons. The troops were to halt the men for a few minutes, until the women were some distance ahead, out into the cedars, where the Indians were hid in ambush. Then the march was to be resumed, the troops to form in single file, each soldier to walk by an emigrant, and on the right-hand side of his man, and the soldier was to carry his gun on his left arm, ready for instant use. The march was to continue until the wagons had passed beyond the ambush of the Indians, and until the women were right in the midst of the Indians. Higbee was then to give the orders and words, "DO YOUR DUTY." At this the troops were to shoot down the men; the Indians were to kill all of the women and larger children, and the drivers of the wagons and I were to kill the wounded and sick men that were in the wagons. Two

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men were to be placed on horses near by, to overtake and kill any of the emigrants that might escape from the first assault. The Indians were to kill the women and large children, so that it would be certain that no Mormon would be guilty of shedding innocent blood-if it should happen that there was any innocent blood in the company that were to die. Our leading men all said that there was no innocent blood in the whole company.

The Council broke up a little after daylight on Friday morning. All the horses, except two for the men to ride to overtake those who might escape, and one for Dan McFarland to ride as Adjutant, so that he could carry orders from one part of the field to another, were turned out on the range. Then breakfast was eaten, and the brethren prepared for the work in hand.

I was now satisfied that it was the wish of all of the Mormon priesthood to have the thing done. One reason for thinking so was that it was in keeping with the teachings of the leaders, and as Utah was then at war with the United States we believed all the Gentiles were to be killed as a war measure, and that the Mormons, as God's chosen people, were to hold and inhabit the earth and rule and govern the globe. Another, and one of my strongest reasons for believing that the leaders wished the thing done, was on account of the talk that I had with George A. Smith, which I have given in full in this statement. I was satisfied that Smith had passed the emigrants while on his way from Salt Lake City, and I then knew this was the train that he meant when he spoke of a train that would make threats and illtreat our people, etc.

The people were in the full blaze of the reformation and anxious to do some act that world add to their reputation as zealous Churchmen.

I therefore, taking all things into consideration, and believing, as I then did, that my superiors were inspired men, who could not go wrong in any matter relating to the Church or the duty of its members, concluded to be obedient to the wishes of those in authority. I took up my cross and prepared to do my duty. Soon after breakfast Major Higbee ordered the two Indian interpreters, Carl Shirts and Nephi Johnson, to inform the Indians of the plan of operations, and to place the Indians in ambush, so that they could not be seen by the emigrants until the work of death should commence.

This was done in order to make the emigrants believe that we

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had sent the Indians away, and that we were acting honestly and in good faith, when we agreed to protect them from the savages.

The orders were obeyed, and in five minutes not an Indian could be seen on the whole Meadows. They secreted themselves and lay still as loge of wood, until the order was given for them to rush out and kill the women.

Major Higbee then called all the people to order, and directed me to explain the whole plan to them. I did so, explaining just how every person was expected to act during the whole performance

Major Higbee then gave the order for his men to advance. They marched to the spot agreed upon, and halted there. William Batsman was then selected to carry a flag of truce to the emigrants and demand their surrender, and I was ordered to go and make the treaty after some one had replied to our flag of truce. (The emigrants had kept a white flag flying in their camp ever since they saw me cross the valley.)

Batsman took, a white flag and started for the emigrant camp. When he got about half way to the corral, he was met by one of the emigrants, that I afterwards learned was named Hamilton. They talked some time, but I never knew what was said between them.

Brother Batsman returned to the command and said that the emigrants would accept our terms, and surrender as we required them to do.

I was then ordered by Major Higbee to go to the corral and negotiate the treaty, and superintend the whole matter. I was again ordered to be certain and get all the arms and ammunition into the wagons. Also to put the children and the sits and wounded in the wagons, as had been agreed upon in council. Then Major Higbee said to me:

"Brother Lee, we expect you to faithfully carry out all the instructions that have been given you by our council."

Samuel McMurdy and Samuel Knight were then ordered to drive their teams and follow me to the corral to haul off the children, arms, etc. '

The troops formed in two lines, as had been agreed upon, and were standing in that way with arms at rest, when I left them.

I walked ahead of tire wagons up to the corral. Whey I reached there I met Mr. Hamilton on the outside of the camp.

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He loosened the chains from some of their wagons, and moved one wagon out of the way, so that our teams could drive inside of the corral sad into their camp. It was then noon, or a little after.

I found that the emigrants ants were strongly fortified; their wagons were chained to each other in a circle. In the centre was a rifle-pit, large enough to contain the entire company. This had served to shield them from the constant fire of their enemy, which had been poured into them from both sides of the valley, from a rocky range that served as a breastwork for their assailants. The valley at this point was not more than five hundred yards wide, and the emigrants had their camp near the center of the valley. On the east and west there was a low range of rugged, rocky mountains, affording a splendid place for the protection of the Indians and Mormons, and leaving them in comparative safety while they fired upon the emigrants. The valley at this place runs nearly due north and south.

When I entered the corral, I found the emigrants engaged in burying two men of note among them, who had died but a short time before from the effect of wounds received by them from the Indians at the time of the first attack on Tuesday morning. They wrapped the bodies up in buffalo robes, and buried them in a grave inside the corral. I was then told by some of the men that seven men were killed and seventeen others were wounded at the first attack made by the Indians, and that three of the wounded men had since died, making ten of their number killed during the siege.

As I entered the fortifications, men, women and children gathered around me in wild consternation. Some felt that the time of their happy deliverance had come, while others, though in deep distress, and all in tears, looked upon me with doubt, distrust and terror. My feelings at this time may be imagined (but I doubt the power of man being equal to even imagine how wretched I felt.) No language can describe my feelings. My position was painful, trying and awful; my brain seemed to be on fire; my nerves were for a moment unstrung; humanity was overpowered, as I thought of the cruel, unmanly part that I was acting. Tears of bitter anguish fell in streams from my eyes; my tongue refused its office; my faculties were dormant, stupefied and deadened by grief. I wished that the earth would open and swallow me where I stood. God knows my suffering

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was great. I cannot describe my feelings. I knew that I was acting a cruel part and doing a damnable deed. Yet my faith in the godliness of my leaders was such that it forced me to think that I was not sufficiently spiritual to act the important part I was commanded to perform. My hesitation was only momentary. Then feeling that duty compelled obedience to orders, I laid aside my weakness and my humanity, and became an instrument in the hands of my superiors and my leaders. I delivered my message and told the people that they must put their arms in the wagon, so as not to arouse the animosity of the Indians. I ordered the children and wounded, some clothing and the arms, to be put into the wagons. Their guns were mostly Kentucky rifles of the muzzle-loading style. Their ammunition was about all gone-I do not think there were twenty loads left in their whole camp. If the emigrants had had a good supply of ammunition they never would have surrendered, and I do not think we could have captured them without great loss, for they were brave men and very resolute and determined.

Just as the wagons were loaded, Dan McFarland came riding into the corral and said that Major Higbee had ordered great haste to be made, for he was afraid that the Indians would return and renew the attack before he could get the emigrants to a place of safety.

I hurried up the people and started the wagons off towards Cedar City. As we went out of the corral I ordered the wagons to turn to the left, so as to leave the troops to the right of us. Dan McFarland rode before the women and led them right up to the troops, where they still stood in open order as I left them. The women and larger children were walking ahead, as directed, and the men following them. The foremost man was about fifty yards behind the hindmost woman.

The women and children were hurried right on by the troops. When the men came up they cheered the soldiers as if they believed that they were acting honestly. Higbee then gave the orders for his men to form in single file and take their places as ordered before, that is, at the right of the emigrants.

I saw this much, but about this time our wagons passed out of sight of the troops, over the hill. I had disobeyed orders in part by turning off as I did, for I was anxious to be out of sight of the bloody deed that I knew was to follow. I knew that I

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had much to do yet that was of a cruel and unnatural character. It was my duty, with the two drivers, to kill the sick and wounded who were in the wagons, and to do so when we heard the guns of the troops fire. I was walking between the wagons; the horses were going in s feet walk, and we were fully ,"If a mile from Major Higbee and his men, when we heard the ,:: tiring. As we heard the guns, I ordered a halt and we proceeded to do our part.

I here pause in the recital of this horrid story of man's inhumanity, and ask myself the question, Is it honest in me, and can I clear my conscience before my God, if I screen myself while I accuse others? No, never! Heaven forbid that I should put a burden upon others' shoulders, that I am unwilling to tear my just portion of. I am not a traitor to my people, nor to my former friends and comrades who were with me on that dark day when the work of death was carried on in God's name, by a lot of deluded and religious fanatics. It is my duty to tell facts as they exist, and I will do so.

I have said that all of the small children were put into the wagons; that was wrong, for one little child, about six months old, was carried in its father's arms, and it was killed by the same bullet that entered its father's breast; it was shot through the head. I was told by Haight afterwards, that the child was killed by accident, but I cannot say whether that is a fact or not. I saw it lying dead when I returned to the place of slaughter.

When we had got out of sight, as I said before, and just as, we were coming into the main road, I heard a volley of guns at the place where I knew the troops and emigrants were. Our teams were then going at a fast walk. I first heard one gun, then a volley at once followed.

McMurdy and Knight stopped their teams at once, for they were ordered by Higbee, the same as I was, to help kill all the sick and wounded who were in the wagons, and to do it as soon as they heard the guns of the troops. McMurdy was in front; his wagon was mostly loaded with the arms and small children. McMurdy and Knight got out of their wagons; each one had s rifle. McMurdy went up to Knight's wagon, where the sick and wounded were, and raising his rifle to his shoulder, said: "O Lord, my God, receive their spirits, it is for thy Kingdom that 1 do this." He then shot a man who was lying with his head on another man's breast; the ball killed both men.

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I also went up to the wagon, intending to do my part of the killing. I drew my pistol and cocked it, but somehow it went off prematurely, and I shot McMurdy across the thigh, my pistol ball cutting his buck-skin pants. McMurdy turned to me and said, "Brother Lee, keep cool, you are excited; you came very near killing me. Keep cool, there is no reason for being excited."

Knight then shot s man with his rifle; he shot the man in the head. Knight also brained a boy that was about fourteen years old. The boy came running up to our wagons, and Knight struck him on the head with the butt end of his gun, and crushed his skull. By this time many Indians reached our wagons, and all of the sick and wounded were killed almost instantly.

I saw an Indian from Cedar City, called Joe, run up to the `wagon and catch a man by the hair, and raise his head up and look into his face; the man shut his eyes, and Joe shot him in the head. The Indians then examined all of the wounded in the wagons, and all of the bodies, to see if any were alive, and all that showed signs of life were at once shot through the head. I did not kill any one there, but it was an accident that kept me from it, for I fully intended to do my part of the killing, but by the time I got over the excitement of coming so near killing McMurdy, the whole of the killing of the wounded was done. There is no truth in the statement of Nephi Johnson, where he says I cut a man's throat.

Just after the wounded were all killed I saw a girl, some ten or eleven years old, running towards us, from the direction where the troops had attacked the main body of emigrants; she was covered with blood. An Indian shot her before she got within sixty yards of us. That was the last person that I saw killed on that occasion.

About this time an Indian rushed to the front wagon, grabbed a sad little boy, and was going to kill him. The lad got away from the Indian and ran to me, and caught me by the knees; and begged me to save him, and not let the Indian kill him. The Indian had held the little fellow's chin on the wagonbed, when he first caught hold of him. I told the Indian to let the boy alone. I took the child up in my arms, put him back in the wagon, and saved his life. This little boy said his name was Charley Faucher, and that his father was Captain of

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the train. He was a bright boy. I afterwards adopted him, and gave him to Caroline. She kept him until Dr. Forney took all the children East. I believe that William Sloan, alias Idaho Bill, is the same boy.

After all the parties were dead, I ordered Knight to drive out on one side, and throw out the dead bodies. He did so, and threw them out of his wagon at a place about one hundred yards from the road, and then came back to where I was standing. I then ordered Knight and McMurdy to take the children that were saved alive, (sixteen was the number, some say seventeen, I say sixteen,) and drive on to Hamblin's ranch. They did as I ordered them to do. Before the wagons started, Nephi Johnson came up in company with the Indians that were under his command, and Carl Shirts I think came up too, but I know that I then considered that Carl Shirts was a coward, and I afterwards made him suffer for being a coward. Several white men came up too, but I cannot tell their names, as I have forgotten who they were.

Knight lied when he said I went to the ranch and ordered him to go to the field with his team. I never knew anything of his team, or heard of it, until he came with a load of armed men in his wagon, on the evening of Thursday. If any one ordered him to go to the Meadows, it was Higbee. Every witness that claims that he went to the Meadows without knowing what he was going to do, has lied, for they all knew, as well as Haight or any one else did, and they all voted, every man of them, in the Council, on Friday morning, a little before daylight, to kill all the emigrants.

After the wagons, with the children, had started for Hamblin's ranch, I turned and walked back to where the brethren were. Nephi Johnson lies when he says he was on horse-back, and met me, or that I gave him orders to go to guard the wagons. He is a perjured wretch, and has sworn to every thing he could to injure me. God knows what I did do was bad enough, but he has lied to suit the leaders of the Church, who want me out of the way.

While going back to the brethren, I passed the bodies of several women. In one place I saw six or seven bodies near each other; they were stripped perfectly naked, and all of their clothing was torn from their bodies by the Indians.

I walked along the line where the emigrants had been killed,

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and saw many bodies lying dead and naked.on the field, near by where the women lay. I saw ten children; they had been killed close to each other; they were from ten to sixteen years of age. The bodies of the women and children were scattered along the around for quite a distance before I came to where the men were killed.

I do not know how many were killed, but I thought then that there were some fifteen women, about ten children, and about forty men killed, but the statement of others that I have since talked with about the massacre, makes me think there were fully one hundred and ten killed that day on the Mountain Meadows, and the ten who had died in the corral, and young Aden killed by Stewart at Richards' Springs, would make the total number one hundred and twenty-one.

When I reached the place where the dead men lay, I was told how the orders had been obeyed. Major Higbee said, "The boys have acted admirably, they took good aim, and all of the d---d Gentiles but two or three fell at the first fire."

He said that three or four got away some distance, but the men on horses soon overtook them and cut their throats. Higbee said the Indians did their part of the work well, that it did not take over a minute to finish up when they got fairly started. I found that the first orders had been carried out to the letter.

Three of the emigrants did get away, but the Indians were put on their trail and they overtook and killed them before they reached the settlements in California. But it would take more time than I have to spare to give the details of their chase and capture. I may do so in my writings hereafter, but not now.

I found Major Higbee, Klingensmith, and most of the brethren standing near by where the largest number of the dead men lay. When I went up to the brethren, Major Higbee said, "We must now examine the bodies for valuables."

I said I did not wish to do any such work.

Higbee then said, "Well, you hold my hat and I will examine the bodies, and put what valuables I get into the hat."

The bodies were all searched by Higbee, Klingensmith and Wm. C. Stewart. I did hold the hat a while, but I soon got so sick that I had to give it to some other person, as I was unable to stand for a few minutes. The search resulted in getting a little money and a few watches, but there was not much money. Higbee and Klingensmith kept the property, I suppose, for I

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never knew what became of it, unless they did keep it. I think they kept it all.

After the dead were searched, as I have just said, the brethren were called up, and Higbee and Klingensmith, as well as myself, made speeches, and ordered the people to keep the matter a secret from the entire world. Not to tell their wives, or their most intimate friends, and we pledged ourselves to keep everything relating to the affair a secret during life. We also took the moat binding oaths to stand by each other, and to always insist that the massacre was committed by Indians alone. This was the advice of Brigham Young too, as I will show hereafter.

The men were mostly ordered to camp there on the field for that night, but Higbee and Klingensmith went with me to Hamblin's ranch, where we got something to eat, and staid there all night. I was nearly dead for rest and sleep; in fact I had rested but little since the Saturday night before. I took my saddle-blanket and spread it on the ground soon after I had eaten my supper, and lay down on the saddle-blanket, using my saddle for a pillow, and slept soundly until next morning.

I was awakened in the morning by loud talking between Isaac C. Haight and William H. Dame. They were very mach excited, and quarreling with each other. I got up at once, but was unable to hear what they were quarreling about, for they cooled down as soon as they saw that others were paying attention to them.

I soon learned that Col. Dame, Judge Lewis of Parowan, and Isaac C. Haight, with several others, had arrived at the Hamblin ranch in the night, but I do not know what time they got there.

After breakfast we all went back in a body to the Meadows, to bury the dead and take care of the property that was left there.

When we reached the Meadows we all rode up to that part of the field where the women were lying dead. The bodies of men, women and children had been stripped entirely naked, making the scene one of the most loathsome and ghastly that can be imagined.

Knowing that Dame and Haight had quarreled at Hamblin's that morning, I wanted to know how they would act in sight of the dead, who lay there as the result of their orders. I was

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greatly interested to know what Dame had to say, so I kept close to them, without appearing to be watching them.

Colonel Dame was silent for some time. He looked all over the field, and was quite pale, and looked uneasy and frightened. I thought then that he was just finding out the difference between giving and executing orders for wholesale killing. He spoke to Haight, and said I must report this matter to the "authorities."

" How will you report it?" said Haight.

Dame said, "I will report it just as it is."

"Yes, I suppose so, and implicate yourself with the rest?" said Haight.

"No," said Dame. "I will not implicate myself, for I had nothing to do with it."

Haight then said, "That will not do, for you know a d---d sight better. You ordered it done. Nothing has been done except by your orders, and it is too late in the day for you to order things done and then go back on it, and go back on the men who have carried out your orders. You cannot sow pig on me, and I will be d---d if I will stand it. You are as much to blame as any one, and you know that we have done nothing except what you ordered done. I know that I have obeyed orders, and by G-d I will not be lied on."

Colonel Dame was much excited. He choked up, and would have gone away, but he knew Haight was a man of determination, and would not stand any foolishness.

As soon as Colonel Dame could collect himself, he said: "I did not think there were so many of them, or I would not have had anything to do with it."

I thought it was now time for me to chip in, so I said, "Brethren, what is the trouble between you? It will not do for our chief men to disagree."

Haight stepped up to my side, a little in front of me, and facing Colonel Dame. He was very mad, and said, "The trouble is just this: Colonel Dame counseled and ordered me to do this thing, and now he wants to back out, and go back on me, and by G-d, he shall not do it. He shall not lay it all on me. He cannot do it. He must not try to do it. I will blow him to h---l before he shall lay it all on me. He has got to stand up to what he did, like a little man. He knows he ordered it done and I dare him to deny it."

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LEE'S CONFESSION. page 247

Colonel Dame was perfectly cowed. He did not offer to deny it again, but said, "Isaac, I did not know there were so many of them."

"That makes no difference," said Haight, "you ordered me to do it, and you have got to stand up for your orders."

I thought it was now time to stop the fuss, for many of the young brethren were comng around. So I said: "Brethren, this is no place to talk over such a matter. You will agree when you get where you can be quiet, and talk it over."

Haight said, "There is no more to say, for he knows he ordered it done, and he has got to stand by it."

That ended the trouble between them, and I never heard of Colonel Dame denying the giving of the orders any more, until after the Church authorities concluded to offer me up for the sins of the Church.

We then went along the field, and passed by where the brethren were at work covering up the bodies. They piled the dead, bodies up in heaps, in little gullies, and threw dirt over them. The bodies were only lightly covered, for the ground was hard and the brethren did not have sufcient tools to dig with. I suppose it is true that the first rain washed the bodies all out. again, but I never went back to examine whether it did or not.

We then went along the field to where the corral and camp had been, to where the wagons were standing. We found that the Indians bad carried off all of the wagon covers, and the clothing, and the provisions, and had emptied the feathers out of the feather-beds, and carried off all the ticks.

After the dead were covered up or buried (but it was not much of a burial,) the brethren were called together, and a council was held at the emigrant camp. All the leading men made speeches; Colonel Dame, President Haight, Klingensmith, John Higbee, Hopkins and myself. The speeches were first ---Thanks to God for delivering our enemies into our hands; next, thanking the brethren for their zeal in God's cause; and then the necessity of always saying the Indians did it alone, and that the Mormons had nothing to do with it. The most of the speeches, however, were in the shape of exhortations and commands to keep the whole matter secret from every one but Brigham Young. It was voted unanimously that any man who should divulge the secret, or tell who was present, or do any

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page 248 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

thing that would lead to a discovery of the truth, should suffer death.

The brethren then all took a most solemn oath, binding themselves under the most dreadful and awful penalties, to keep the whole matter secret from every human being, as long as they should live. No man was to know the facts. The brethren were sworn not to talk of it among themselves, and each one swore to help kill all who proved to be traitors to the Church or people in this matter.

It was then agreed that Brigham Young should be informed of the whole matter, by some one to be selected by the Church Council, after the brethren had returned home.

It was also voted to turn all the property over to Klingensmith as Bishop of the Church at Cedar City, and he was to take care of the property for the benefit of the Church, until Brigham Young was notified, and should give further orders what to do with it.

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PAGE 249

CHAPTER XIX.

CONFESSION CONTINUED AIM CONCLUDED, MARCH 16, 1877, SEVEN

DAYS PRIOR TO HIS EXECUTION.

COLONEL DAME then blest the brethren and we prepared to go to our homes. I took my little Indian boy, Clem, on the horse behind me, and started home. I crossed the mountains and returned the same way I had come.

When I got in about two miles of Harmony, I overtook a body of about forty Indians, on their way home from the massacre. They had a large amount of bloody clothing, and were driving several head of cattle that they had taken from the emigrants.

The Indians were very glad to see me, and said I was their Captain, and that they were going to Harmony with me as my men. It was the orders from the Church authorities to do everything we could to pacify the Indians, and make them the fast friends of the Mormons, so I concluded to humor them.

I started on and they marched after me until we reached the fort at Harmony. We went into the fort and marched round inside, after which they halted and gave their whoop of victory, which means much the same with them as the cheers do with the whites. I then ordered the Indians to be fed; my family gave them some bread and melons, which they eat, and then they left me and went to their tribe.

I will here state again that on the field, before and after the massacre, and again at the council at the emigrant camp, the day after the massacre, orders were given to keep everything secret, and if any man told the secret to any human being, he was to be killed, and I assert as a fact that if any man had told it then, or for many years afterwards, he would have died, for some "Destroying Angel" would have followed his trail and sent him over the "rim of the basin."

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page 250 LIFE OF JOHN D. LEE

From that day to this it has been the understanding with all concerned in that massacre, that the man who divulged the secret should die; he was to be killed, wherever he was found, for treason to the men who killed the emigrants, and for his treason to the Church. No man was at liberty to tell his wife, or any one else, nor were the brethren permitted to talk of it even among themselves. Such were the orders and instructions, from Brigham Young down to the lowest in authority. The orders to lay it all to the Indians, were just as positive as they were to keep it all secret. This was the counsel from all in authority, and for years it was faithfully observed.

The children that were saved were taken to Cedar City, and other settlements, and put out among different families, where they were kept until they were given up to Dr. Forney, the Agent of the United States, who came for them.

I did not have anything to do with the property taken from the emigrants, or the cattle, or anything else, for some three months after the massacre, and then I only took charge of the cattle because I was ordered to do so by Brigham Young.

There were eighteen wagons in all at the emigrant camp. They were all wooden axles but one, and that was a light iron axle; it had been hauled by four mules. There were sometbing over five hundred head of cattle, but I never got the half of them. The Indians killed a large number at the time of the massacre, and drove others to their tribes when they went home from Mountain Meadows. Klingensmith put the Church brand on fifty head or more, of the best of the cattle, and then he and Haight and Higbee drove the cattle to Salt Lake City and sold them for goods that they brought back to Cedar City to trade on.

The Indians got about twenty head of horses and mules. Samuel Knight, one of the witnesses on my trial, got a large sorrel mare; Haight got a span of average American mules; Joel White got a fine mare; Higbee got a good large mule; Klingensmith got a span of mules. Haight, Higbee and Allen each took a wagon. The people all took what they wanted, and they had divided and used up much over half of it before I was put in charge.

The first time I heard that a messenger bad been sent to Brigham Young for instructions as to what should be done with the emigrants, was three or four days after I had returned home

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page 251 LEE'S CONFESSION.

from the Meadows. Then I heard of it from Isaac C. Haight, when became to my house and had a talk with me. He said, "We are all in a muddle. Haslem has returned from Salt Lake City, with orders from Brigham Young to let the emigrants pass in safety."

In this conversation Haight also said, "I sent an order to Higbee to save the emigrants, after I had sent the orders for killing them all, but for some reason the message did not reach him. I understand the messenger did not go to the Meadows at all."

I at once saw that we were in a bad way, and I asked Haight what was to be done. We talked the matter over again.

Haight then told me that it was the orders of the Council that I should go to Salt Lake City and lay the whole matter before Brigham Young. I asked him if he was not going to write a report of it to the Governor, as he was the right man to do it, for he was in command of the militia in that section of country, and next to Dame in command of the whole district. I told him that it was a matter which really belonged to the military department, and should be so reported.

He refused to write a report, saying, "You can report it better than I could write it. You are like a member of Brigham's family, and can talk to him privately and confidentially. I want you to take all of it on yourself that you can, and not expose any more of the brethren than you find absolutely necessary. Do this, Brother Lee, as I order you to do, and yon shall receive a celestial reward for it, and the time will come when all who acted with us will be glad for the part they have taken, for the time is near at hand when the Saints are to enjoy the riches of the earth. And all who deny the faith and doctrines of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints shall be slain ---the sword of vengeance shall shed their blood; their wealth shall be given as a spoil to our people."

At that time I believed everything he said, and I fully expected to receive the celestial reward that he promised me. But now I say, Damn all such "celestial rewards" as I am to get for what I did on that fatal day.

It was then preached every Sunday to the people that the Mormons were to conquer the earth at once, and the people all thought that the millennium had come, and that Christ's reign upon earth would soon begin, as an accomplished fact.

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page 252 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

According to the orders of Isaac C. Haight, I started for Salt Lake City to report the whole facts connected with the massacre, to Brigham Young. I started about a week or ten days after the massacre, and I was on the way about ten days. When I arrived in the city I went to the President's house and gave to Brigham Young a full, detailed statement of the whole affair, from first to last ---only I took rather more on myself than I had done.

He asked me if I had brought a letter from Haight, with his report of the affair. I said: "No, Haight wished me to make a verbal report of it, as I was an eye witness to much of it."

I then went over the whole affair and gave him as full a statement as it was possible for me to give. I described everything about it. I told him of the orders Haight first gave me. I told him everything. I told him that "Brother McMurdy, Brother Knight and myself killed the wounded men in the wagons, with the assistance of the Indians. We killed six wounded men."

He asked me many questions, and I told him every particular, and everything that I knew. I described everything very fully. I told him what I had said against killing the women and children.

Brigham then said, "Isaac (referring to Haight) has sent me word that if they had killed every man, woman and child in the outfit, there would not have been a drop of innocent blood shed by the brethren; for they were a set of murderers, robbers and thieves."

While I was still talking with him, some men came into his house to see him, so he requested me to keep quiet until they left. I did as he directed.

As soon as the men went out, I continued my recital. I gave him the names of every man that had been present at the massacre. I told him who killed various ones. In fact I gave him all the information there was to give.

When I finished talking about the matter, he said "This is the most unfortunate affair that ever befel the Church. I am afraid of treachery among the brethren that were there. If any one tells this thing so that it will become public, it will work us great injury. I want you to understand now, that yon are never to tell this again, not even to Heber C. Kimball. It must be kept a secret among ourselves. When you get home, I

************************************************page 233 LEE'S CONFESSION.

want you to sit down and write a long letter, and give me an account of the affair, charging it to the Indians. You sign the letter as Farmer to the Indians, and direct it to me as Indian Agent. I can then make use of such a letter to keep off all damaging and troublesome enquiries."

I told him that I would write the letter. (I kept my word; but, as an evidence of his treachery, that same letter that he ordered me to write, he has given to Attorney Howard, and he has introduced it in evidence against me on my trial.)

Brigham Young knew when he got that letter just as well as I did, that it was not a true letter, and that it was only written according to his orders to throw the public off of the right trail. He knew that it was written simply to cast all the blame on the Indians, and to protect the brethren. In writing that letter I was still obeying my orders and earning that Celestial reward that had been promised to me.

He then said, "If only men had been killed, I would not have cared so much; but the killing of the women and children is the sin of it. I suppose the men were a hard set, but it is hard to kill women and children for the sins of the men. This whole thing stands before me like a horrid vision. I must have time to reflect upon it."

He then told me to withdraw and call next day, and he would give me an answer. I said to him, "President Young, the people all felt, and I know that I believed I was obeying orders, and acting for the good of the Church, and in strict conformity with the oaths that we have all taken to avenge the blood of the Prophets. You must either sustain the people for what they have done, or you must release us from the oaths and obligations that we have taken."

The only reply he made was, "Go now, and come in the morning, and I will give you an answer."

I went to see him again in the morning. When I went in, he he seemed quite cheerful. He said, "I have made that matter a subject of prayer. I went right to God with it, and asked Him to take the horrid vision from my sight, if it was a righteous thing that my people had done in killing those people at the Mountain Meadows. God answered me, and at once the vision was removed. I have evidence from

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page 254 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

God that He has overruled it all for good, and the action was a righteous one and well intended."

"The brethren acted from pure motives. The only trouble is they acted a little prematurely; they were a little ahead of time. I sustain you and all of the brethren for what they did. All that I fear is treachery on the part of some one who took a part with you, but we will look to that."

I was again cautioned and commanded to keep the whole thing as a sacred secret, and again told to write the report as Indian Farmer, laying the blame on the Indians. That ended our interview, and I left him, and soon started for my home at Harmony.

Brigham Young was then satisfied with the purity of my motives in acting as I had done at the Mountain Meadows. Now he is doing all he can against me, but I know it is nothing but cowardice that has made him turn against me as he has at last.

When I reported my interview with Young to Haight, and gave him Brigham's answer, he was well pleased; he said that I had done well. He again enjoined secrecy, and said it must never be told.

I remember a circumstance that Haight then related to me about Dan. McFarland. He said: "Dan will make a bully warrior."

I said, "Why do you think so?"

"Well," said he, "Dan came to me and said, "You must get me another knife, because the one I have got has no good stuff in it, for the edge turned when I cut a fellow's throat that day at the Meadows. I caught one of the devils that was trying to get away, and when I cut his throat it took all the edge off of my knife. I tell you that boy will make a bully warrior."

I said, "Haight, I don't believe you have any conscience."

He laughed, and said, " Conscience be d---d, I don't know what the word means."

I thought over the matter, and made up my mind to write the letter to Brigham Young and lay it all to the Indians, so as to get the matter off of my mind. I then wrote the letter that has been used in the trial. It was as follows:

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page 255 LEE'S CONFESSION.

LETTER OF JOHN D. LEE TO BRIGHAM YOUNG. HARMONY, WASHINGTON CO., U. T.,

November 20th, 1857.

To His Excellency, Gov. B. Young, Ex-Officio and Superintendent of Indian Affairs:

DEAR SIR: My report under date May 11th, 1857, relative to the Indians over whom I have charge as farmer, showed a friendly relation between them and the whites, which doubtless would have continued to increase had not the white mans been the first aggressor, as was the case with Capt. Fancher's company of emigrants, passing through to California about the middle of September last, on Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fillmore City, Millard County. The company there poisoned the meat of an ox, which they gave the Pah Vant Indians to eat, causing four of them to die immediately, besides poisoning a number more. The company also poisoned the water where they encamped, killing the cattle of the settlers. This unguided policy, planned in wickedness by this company, raised the ire of the Indians, which soon spread through the southern tribes, firing them up with revenge till blood was in their path, and as the breach, according to their tradition, was a national one, consequently any portion of the nation was liable to atone for that offense.

About the 22d of September, Capt. Fancher and company fell victims to their wrath, near Mountain Meadows; their cattle and horses were shot down in every direction, their wagons and property mostly committed to the flames. Had they been the only ones that suffered we would have less cause of complaint. But the following company of near the same size had many of their men shot down near Beaver City, and had it not been for the interposition of the citizens at that place, the whole company would have been massacred by the enraged Pah Vants. From this place they were protected by military force, by order of Col. H. Dame, through the Territory, besides providing the company with interpreters, to help them through to the Los Vaagus. On the Muddy, some three to live hundred Indians attacked the company, while traveling, and drove off several hundred head of cattle, telling the company that if they fired a single gun that they would kill every soul. The interpreters tried to regain the stock, or a portion of them, by presents, but in vain. The Indians told them to mind their own business, or

************************************************page 256 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

their lives would not be safe. Since that occurrence no company has been able to pass without some of our interpreters to talk and explain matters to the Indians.

Friendly feelings yet remain between the natives and settlers and I have no hesitancy in saying that it will increase so long as we treat them kindly, and deal honestly toward them. I have been blest in my labors the last year. Much grain has been raised for the Indians.

I herewith furnish you the account of W. H. Dame, of Parowan, for cattle, wagons, etc.

Furnished for the benefit of the Chief Owanup, (as.) for

Two yoke of oxen, $100 each, one wagon and chains

$75. Total $ 275.00

Two cows $30 each, for labor $80, 140.00

Total ................................. $415. 00

P. G. Smith, Cedar City, Iron County,

For two yoke cattle $100 each, and Mo. 2 Weekses Band $ 200 00

One cow $35, do one wagon $80, total, 115 00

Total $815.00

Jacob Hamblin's account for the benefit of Talse Gobbeth

Band, Santa Clara, Washington Co., (as.)

Two yoke of cattle, $100 each, do one wagon, two chains,

$100. totai Two cows $35 each, total :,

Henry Barney's account for the benefit of Tennquiches

Band, Harmony, (as.)

For two yoke cattle $100

Do one wagon $100, do one plough $40, -taw,:: ...........

Do four cows at $35 each, total .......... .... ........

For labor in helping to secure crops, etc. .................

$ 300 00

70 00

$ 870 00

200 00 140 00

140 00

40 00

620 00

)for my services the last six months, and for provisions,

clothing, etc . $ 600.00

Sum Total ............................ $2,220.00

From the above report you will see that the wants of the Natives have increased commensurate with their experience and practice in the art of agriculture.

With sentiments of high consideration,

I am your humble servant,

Joax D. Lee,

Farmer to Pah Utea Indiana. Gov. B. Young, Ex-officio and Superintendent of Indian affairs.

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page 257 LEE'S CONFESSION.

I forwarded that letter, and thought I had managed the affair nicely.

I put in the expense account of $2,220, just to show off, and to help Brigham Young to get something from the Government. It was the way his Indian farmers all did. I never gave the Indiana one of the articles named in the letter. No one of the men mentioned had ever furnished such articles to the Indians, but I did it this way for safety. Brigham Young never spent a dollar on the Indians in Utah, while he was Indian Agent. The only money he ever spent on the Indians was when we were at war with them. Then they cost us some money, but not much.

Brigham Young, well knowing that I wrote that letter just for the protection of the brethren, used it to make up his report to the Government about his acts as Indian Agent. I obeyed his orders in this, as I did the orders of Haight at the Mountain Meadows, and I am now getting my pay for my falsehood. I acted conscientiously in the whole matter, and have nothing to blame myself for, except being so silly as to allow myself to be duped by the cowardly wretches who are now seeking safety by hunting me to the death.

The following winter I was a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, that met in Salt Lake City to form a constitution, preparatory to the application of Utah for admission into the Union. I attended during the entire session, and was often in, company with Brigham Young at his house and elsewhere, and lie treated me all the time with great kindness and consideration.

At the close of the session of the Convention, I was directed by Brigham Young to take charge of all the cattle, and other property taken from the emigrants, and take care of it for the Indians. I did as l was ordered. When I got home I gathered up about two hundred head of cattle, and put my brand on them, and I gave them to the Indiana, as they needed them, or rather when they demanded them. I did that until all of the emigrant cattle were gone.

This thing of taking care of that property was an unfortunate thing for me, for when the Indians wanted beef, they thought they owned everything with my brand on it. So much so, that I long since quit branding my stock. I preferred taking chances of leaving them unbranded, for every thing with my brand on was certain to be taken by the Indians. I know that

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page 258 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

it has been reported that the emigrants were very rich. That is a mistake. Their only wealth consisted in cattle and their teams. The people were comfortably dressed in Kentucky jeans and lindsey, but they had no fine clothing that I ever saw.

They had but a few watches. I never owned or carried one of the watches taken from the emigrants in my life, or had anything to do with any of their property, except to take care of the cattle for the Indians, as ordered to do by Brigham Young, as I have before stated in this confession.

There is another falsehood generally believed in Utah, especially among the Mormons. It is this. It has generally been reported that Brigham Young was anxious to help Judge Cradlebaugh arrest all the guilty parties. There is not one word of truth in the whole statement. Brigham Young knew the name of every man that was in any way implicated in the Mountain Meadows Massacre. He knew just as much about it as I did, except that he did not see it, as I had seen it.

If Brigham Young had wanted one man, or fifty men, or five hundred men arrested, all he would have had to do would have been to say so, and they would have been arrested instantly. There was no escape for them if he ordered their arrest. Every man who knows anything of affairs in Utah at that time knows this is so.

It is true that Brigham made a great parade at the time,

and talked a great deal about bringing the guilty parties to justice, but he did not mean a word of it ---not a word. He did go South with Cradlebaugh, but he took good care that Cradlebaugh caught no person that had been in the massacre.

I know that I had plenty of notice of their coming, and so did all the brethren. It was one of Brigham Young's cunning dodges to blind the government. That this is true I can prove by the statement of what he did at Cedar City while out on his drip with Judge Cradlebaugh to investigate the matter and arrest the guilty parties.

Judge Cradelbaugh and his men were working like faithful men to find out all about it, but they did not learn very much. True, they got on the right track, but could not learn it all, for Brigham Young was along to see that they did not learn the facts.

While at Cedar City, Brigham preached one night, but none of the Judge's party heard him. In his sermon, when speaking of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, he said

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page 259 LEE'S CONFESSION.

"Do you know who those people were that were killed at the Mountain Meadows? I will tell you who those people were. They were fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins and children of those who killed the Saints, and drove them out of Missouri, and afterwards killed our Prophets in Carthage jail. These children that the government has made such a stir about, were gathered up by the goverment and carried back to

Missouri, to St. Louis, and letters were sent to their relatives to come and take them; but their relations wrote back that they did not want them ---that they were the children of thieves, outlaws and murderers, and they would not take them, they did not wish anything to do with them, and would not have them around their houses. Those children are now in the poor house in St. Louis. And yet after all this, I am told that there are many of the brethren who are willing to inform upon and swear against the brethren who were engaged in that affair. I hope there is no truth in this report. I hope there is no such person here, under the sound of my voice. But if there is, I will tell you my opinion of you, and the fact so far as your fate is concerned. Unless you repent at once of that unholy intention, and keep the secret of all that you know, you will die a dog's death, and be damned, and go to hell. I do not want to hear of any more treachery among any people."

These words of Brigham Young gave great comfort to all of us who were out in the woods keeping out of the way of the officers. It insured our safety and took away our fears.

There has been all sorts of reports circulated about me, and the bigger the lie that was told the more readily it was believed. I have told in this statement just what I did at the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The evidence of Jacob Hamblin is false in toto. Hamblin lied in every particular, so far as his evidence related to me.

It is my fate to die for what I did; but I go to my death with a certainty that it cannot be worse than my life lies been for the last nineteen years.

FACTS THAT I KNOW TO BE FACTS

As I bare been in some respects a prominent man in the Mormon Church, the public may expect from me a statement of facts concerning other crimes and other things besides the Mountain Meadows Massacre. I do know some facts that I will state.

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page 260 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

I could give many things that would throw light on the doings of the Church, if I had my journals, but as I said, nearly all of my journals have been made way with by Brigham Young; at least I delivered them to him and never could get them again.

I have delivered to my Counsel, Win. W. Bishop, such journals as I have, and shall leave the one that I am now keeping in prison, when I am released by death from the necessity of writing down my thoughts from day to day, and he can make such use of it as he thinks best.

My statement of outside matters must be brief, but such as they are, the public can rest certain of this thing, they are true.

As many people think that Brigham Young cut me off from the Church, and refused to recognize me a short time after the massacre, I will relate a circumstance that took place ten years after all the facts were known by him.

In 1867 or 1868, I met President Brigham Young and suite, at Parowan, seventy miles from Washington, the place where a part of my family resided. Lieut. James Pace was with me. The Prophet said to me, that he wanted uncle Jim Pace to go with me and prepare dinner for him and his suite at Washington, within three days. We were to go by my herd on the plains and in the valleys, and take several fat kids along and have a good dinner for them by the time they got there.

His will was our pleasure. We rode night and day, and felt thankful that we were worthy of the honor of serving the Prophet of the Living God. We did not consider the toil or loss of sleep a sacrifice, in such a laudable undertaking.

The time designated for dinner was one o'clock. The company arrived at eleven o'clock, two hours ahead of time. The Prophet drove up in front of Bishop Covington's house, on the same block where I lived; he halted about five minutes there, instead of driving direct to my house according to the previous arrangement. Thcn he turned his carriage around and got out with Amelia, his beloved, and went into the Bishop's house, leaving his suite standing in the streets. The peevish old man felt his dignity trampled on, because I was not present to the minute to receive him with an escort, to welcome and do homage to him upon entering the town.

As soon as I learned of his arrival I hastened to make apologies.

The Prophet heard my excuses, and said his family and

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Brethren, all except himself and wife, could go to my house to dinner, that he would not eat until about two o'clock.

He then whispered to me and said, "Cut me a chunk off the breast of the turkey, and a piece of the loin of one of the fat kids, and put some rich gravy over it, and I will eat it at 2 P. M."

At two o'clock I again made his will my pleasure, and carried his dinner to him as requested, when he did me the honor of eating it. The rest of the company went to

take dinner.

Among my guests that day were George A. Smith, Bishop Hunter, John Taylor, W. Woodruff, several of the Prophet's sons and daughters, and many others. At dinner, George A. Smith and others of the Twelve Apostles laughed about the anger of Brigham, and said if the Old Boss had not got miffed, they would have lost the pleasure of eating the fat turkey. The party enjoyed themselves very much that day, and had many a laugh over the Prophet's anger robbing him of an excellent

dinner.

I had part of my family at Washington, but I also had quote a family still living at Harmony, where several of my wives were staying.

The next morning the Prophet came to me and asked me if I was going to Harmony that night. I told him I did intend going.

I wish you would go," said he, "and prepare dinner for me."

He then gave me full instructions what to prepare for dinner, and how he wanted his meat cooked, and said the company would be at my home in Harmony the next day at one o'clock, P. M.

I at once proceeded to obey his instructions. I rode to Harmony through a hard rain-storm, and I confess I was proud of my position. I then esteemed it a great honor to have the privilege of entertaining the greatest man living, the Prophet of the Lord.

My entire family at Harmony were up all night, cooking and making ready to feed and serve the Lord's anointed, and his followers.

I killed beeves, sheep, goats, turkeys, geese, ducks and chickens, all of which were prepared according to instructions, and were eaten by Brigham Young and his party the neat day.

Prompt to time, the Prophet, the President of the Church

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and his suite arrived, and an escort on horseback, came into the Fort. There were seventy-three carriages, besides the escort. I entertained the entire party, giving them dinner, supper and breakfast.

In 1858 Governor Young called upon me to go and locate a company of cotton growers, of which Joseph Ham was captain. This company was sent out by Governor Young and the leading men of Salt Lake City, to test the growing of cotton on the Santa Clara and Rio Virgin bottoms. In obedience to counsel, I located the company at the mouth of the Santa Clara River, about four miles south from where St. George now stands.

In 1859 or 1860, the first trip that ex-Gov. Young took from Salt Lake City to Southern Utah, he went by way of Pinto, Mountain Meadows, Santa Clara and Washington. I was then at Washington, building a grist mill, some two miles west of the town, when he came along.

I was sitting on a rock about thirty steps from the road. His carriage was in the lead, as was usual with him when traveling. When he came opposite where I was sitting, he halted and called me to his carriage, and bid me get in. I did so. He seemed glad to see me, and asked where I lived. I told him I lived on the same block that Bishop Covington did, that he would pass my door in going to the Bishop's, as I then thought he would put up with the Bishop, and not with a private person.

In crossing the creek, on the way into town, the sand was heavy. I went to jump out and walk. He objected, saying, "Sit still. You are of more value than horse-flesh yet."

When we neared my residence, be said, "Is this where you live, John?"

I said, "It is," pointing at the same time to the east end of the block, and said, "That is where the Bishop lives."

The old man made no reply, but continued on. Then he said, "Yon have a nice place here. I have a notion to stop with you."

I said, "You are always welcome to my house."

Then he said to the company, which consisted, I think, of seventy-three carriages, " Some of you had better scatter round among the brethren."

About half the company did so. The rest, with the Prophet, stayed at my house.

The neat day, the whole company went on to Tokerville,

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twenty miles from my residence. I went with them to that place. In the evening all went to St. George, and held a twodays' meeting. At the close of the meeting, the Prophet called me to the stand, and said, "John, I will be at New Harmony on Wednesday next." (By way of explanation, I will here say, the town of Harmony changed its location three times. The first fort was built at the crossing of the north fork of Ash Creek, in 1852, and was abandoned in 1853, during the war with the Ute Indians. In 1855, a new site was selected, four miles north-west of Harmony No. 1, and an adobe fort was built two hundred feet square, and twenty-two feet high. In 1860, Harmony No. 2 was demolished by a rain-storm, which continued twenty-eight days without stopping. At once after that, a site was selected at the head of Ash Creek, where a new settlement was started, which was called New Harmony.) "I want you to go and notify the Saints, and have a Bowery built, and prepare for our reception."

Jas. H. Imday was then President of that place, and was at the meeting. I here again tried to make the will of the Prophet my pleasure. I traveled all night, and reported the orders of the Prophet to the people.

Great preparations were made for his reception. A committee of arrangements was appointed, also a committee to wait on his Honor. Also an escort of fifteen men was selected to accompany this committee. They went out fifteen miles, where they met the Prophet and his followers and made a report of our proceedings. He thanked them, and said, "I am going to stop with Brother John D.," as he often called me. I took no part in the proceedings except to report the will of the Prophet to the people. I went on horseback alone, and met the President as he is now called. I met him a mile or more outside of the town. As I rode up he halted, and said,

"John, I am going to stop with you."

I replied, "You know you are always welcome."

He then drove to the center of the town and halted; then he said, "John, where do you live?"

I pointed across the field about half a mile.

Said he, "Have they fenced you out? You take the lead, and we will break a road to your house."

It being his will, we started and went to my house, sixteen

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carriages going along with us. Quite a number of the President's company had gone by Kanab, to Cedar City, to hold meetings in the settlements they would go through. The arrangements of the committee were treated with indifference, if not contempt by the President and his party. All the company but one carriage went to my house, that one stopped at James Pace's. Dining their stay at my house all were friendly. Brigham Young asked me to go with them to Cedar City, which I did.

In 1870, sometime in the Fall, I went from Parowan, by way of Panguich, up the Severe River with Brigham Young, on a trip to the Pareah country. On this trip I was appointed a road commissioner, with ten men to go ahead, view out and prepare the road for the President and his company to travel over.

While at Upper Kanab, I had a private interview with the Prophet, concerning my future destination. Brigham said he thought I had met with opposition and hardships enough to entitle me to have rest the balance of my life. That I had best leave Harmony, and settle in some of those good places farther South; build up a home and gather strength around me, and after a while we would cross over into Arizona Territory, near the San Francisco Mountains, and there establish the order of Enoch, or United Order. We were to take a portable steam saw mill to cut lumber with which to build up the Southern settlements, and I was to run the mill in connection with Bishop L. Stewart. This I then considered an additional honor shown me by the Prophet.

From Upper Kanab, I was sent across the mountains to Lower Kanab, to Bishop Stewart's, to have him carry supplies to the Prophet and company. I had to travel sixty miles without a trail, but I was glad of a chance to perform any duty that would please the Prophet. I again met the company, and went with the party to Tokerville, where I closed arrangements with President Young about the saw mill. All was understood and agreed upon, and we parted in a very friendly manner.

About two weeks after leaving President Young and party at Tokerville, I was notified that I had been suspended from the Church.

The following Spring, I visited the Prophet at St. George, and asked him why they had dealt so rashly with me, without allowing me a chance to speak for myself ; why they had waited seven-

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teen years and then cut me off; why I was not cut off at once if what I had done was evil.

He replied, "I never knew the facts until lately."

I said, "President Young, you know that is not true. Yon know I told the whole story to you a short time after it happened, and gave you a full statement of everything connected with the massacre, and I then put more on myself than I was to blame for; and if your late informants have told you a story different from the one that I gave you soon after the massacre, when I reported the facts to you by order of Major Haight, they have lied like h---1, and you know it. I did nothing designedly wrong on that occasion. I tried to save that company from destruction after they were attacked, but I was overruled and forced to do all that I did do. I have had my name cast out as evil, but I know I have a reward awaiting me in Heaven. I have suffered in silence, and have done so to protect the brethren who committed the deed. I have borne the imputation of this crime long enough, and demand a rehearing. I demand that all the parties concerned be brought forward and forced by you to shoulder their own sins. I am willing to bear mine, but I will not submit to carry all the blame for those who committed the massacre.

The reply he made was this: "Be a man, and not a baby. I am your friend, and not your enemy. You shall have a rehearing. Go up to the office and see Brother Eastus Snow, and arrange the time for the hearing."

I did so. We arranged the time of meeting. It was agreed that, if the telegraph wires were working, all parties interested were to be notified of the meeting, and required to be present at St. George, Utah, on the following Wednesday, at 2, P. M.

All parties agreed to this, and after talking over the whole thing, I again parted with President Young, in a very friendly manner.

I went to Washington and staid at my house and with my family there. The neat morning I started for Harmony, to visit my family there, and make arrangements for the rehearing that was to me of the greatest of importance. I then considered that if I was cut off from the Church I had better be dead; that sat of the Church I could find no joys worth living far.

Soon after I left Washington, Erastus Snow, one of the twelve apostles, arrived at my house and asked for me. My family told

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him that I had gnne to Harmony to arrange for the new hearing and trial before the Church authorities. He appeared to be much disappointed at not meeting me, and told my family that Brigham Young had reconsidered the matter, and there would be no rehearing or investigation; that the order cutting me off from the Church would stand; that he would send a letter to me which would explain all the matter, and that the letter would reach Harmony about as soon as I did.

On the next Tuesday night an anonymous letter was left at my house by one of the sons of Erastus Snow, with orders to hand it to me. The letter read as follows:

"JOHN D. LEE, of Washington

" Dear Sir: If you will consult your own interest, and that of those that would be your friends, you will not press an investigation at this time, as it will only serve to implicate those that would be your friends, and cause them to suffer with, or inform upon you. Our advice is to make yourself scarce, and keep out of the way."

There was no signature to the letter, but I knew it came from apostle Snow, and was written by orders of Brigham Young.

When I read the letter I knew I had nothing to hope for from the Church. and my grief was as great as I could bear. To add to my troubles, Brigham Young sent word to my wives that they were all divorced from me and could leave me, if they wished to do so. This was the greatest trouble that I ever had in my life, for I loved all my wives.

As the result of Briaham's advice, eleven of my wives deserted me, and have never lived with me since that time. I gave them all a fair share of the property that I then owned. I afterwards lost my large ferry-boat at my ferry on the Colorado River. Brigham Young was anxious to have the ferry kept in good condition for passing the river, for he did not know what hour he might need it, so he sent parties who put in another boat, which I afterwards paid him for.

I visited Brigham Young at his house in St. George in 1874, and never was received in a more friendly manner. He could always appear the saint when he was meditating treachery to one of his people. He then promised to restore me to membership m a short time.

Soon afterwards I was arrested (on or about the 9th of November,

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1874), and taken to Fort Cameron, in Beaver County, Utah Territory, and placed in prison there. A few days after my arrest I was visited in prison by General George A. Smith, Olson Hyde, Erastus Snow, A. F. McDonald, and many other leaders of the Church. They each and all told me to stand to mY integrity, and all would come out right in the end.

At this time the Prophet was stopping with Bishop Murdock, in Beaver City. My wife Rachel went at night to see him and have a talk about my case. He received her with the utmost kindness, saying, "Sister Rachel, are you standing by Brother John?"

"Yes, sir, I am," was her reply.

"That is right," said he. "God bless you for it. Tell Brother John to stand to his integrity to the end, and not a hair of his head shall be harmed."

This kindness was continued by the Churchmen until I was released on bail, in May, 1875.

And I will here say, I did not believe, until I was released on bail, that any member of the Church would desert me. I had every confidence that Brigham Young would save me at last. I knew then, as I know now, that he had the power, and I thought lie had the will, to save me harmless. No man can be convicted in Utah if Brigham Young determines to save him, and I had his solemn word that I should not suffer. But now, when it is too late for me to help myself, I find I am selected by him as a victim to be offered up to keep the Gentiles from prosecuting any of his pets for murder or other crimes.

When I gained my freedom after nearly two years of imprisonment, I found that some of the good Saints had been tampering with my wife Emma, to get the ferry out of my hands. The "One-Eyed Pirate," as the Tribune calls him, told her that I was not a brother in the Church, and had tried to alienate her affections from me.

Up to this time I had always tried to make the will of the Priesthood my pleasure, but this last act of their kindness towards a brother who had been in prison for nearly two years, began to shake my faith in the anointed of the Lord.

The loss of the ferry-for I virtually lost control of it by their treachery was a geat blow to blow to me in my destitute condition. I then felt that time was near approaching that they would

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sacrifice and sell me to screen their pets and cover up their own sins.

When I came before the court, on the 11th day of September, 1876, I was met with the same hypocritical smile and whisper, as on other occasions, and told to "Stand to your integrity. Let the will of the Lord's anointed be your pleasure. My mouth is sealed, but I know you will come out all right."

So they talked to me, the leaders of the Church and its prominent men, all telling me the same thing, while at the same time those low, deceitful, treacherous, cowardly, dastardly sycophants and serfs had combined to fasten the rope around my neck. No doubt they thought they could lull me to sleep, until they could kill and make a scape-goat of me, to atone for the sins of the whole Church, which fully endorsed this treacherous treatment, as has been established by the oaths given by the false, treacherous, sneaking witnesses who came on the stand by order and command of the Church, to consummate the vile scheme formed for my destruction

This last act of their charitable kindness let me out with them. All that I have made by making their will my pleasure, and yielding myself to their wishes, is the loss of my reputation, my fortune, my near and dear supposed friends, my salvation, and my all. My life now hangs on a single thread.

But is there no help for the widow's son? I can no longer expect help from the Church, or those of the Mormon faith. If I escape execution, it will be through the clemency of the nation, many of whose noble sons will dislike to see me sacrificed in this way. I acknowledge that I have been slow to listen to the advice of friends, who have warned me of the danger and treachery that awaited me. Yet I ask pardon for all the ingratitude with which I received their advice. When the people consider that I was ever taught to look upon treachery with horror, and that I have never permitted one nerve or fibre of this old frame to weaken or give way, notwithstanding the fact that I have been cut loose, and cast off and sacrificed by those who from their own stand-point, and according to their own theory, should have stood by me to the last, they may have some compassion for me. Perhaps all is for the best.

As it now stands, I feel free from all the obligations that have hitherto sealed my mouth, so far as the deeds of which I stand accused are concerned. I now consider myself at liberty to,

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and I now will state all the facts in the case, with which I am familiar. I am no traitor; I am only acting just to my own reputation. I am not sorry for the stand which I have taken, or my long silence.

THE TRUTH ABOUT " DIRTY FINGERED JAKE" HAMBLIN AND THE ACTS OF SOME GOOD SAINTS.

Jacob Hamblin, commonly called "Dirty Fingered Jake," when called as a witness, gave as a reason for his long silence, concerning what he says I told him, that he was waiting for the right time to come, and he thought it had come now.

This reminds me of s circumstance that was related by Joseph Knight and John Lay, who were missionaries to the Indians under President Jacob Hamblin, at his headquarters at Santa Clara Fort, in 1859. In the Fall of 1859 two young men, on their way to California, stopped at the fort to recruit their jaded animals, and expecting that while doing so they might be so fortunate as to meet with some train of people going to the same place, so they would have company to San Bernardino, the young men staid at the fort some two months, daily expecting a company to pass that way, but still no one came. Hamblin assured them that they eould go through the country with perfect safety. At the same time he had his plans laid to take their lives as soon as they started. The Indians around the fort wanted to kill the men at once, but Hamblin objected, and told the Indians to wait until the men got out on the desert-that if they would wait until the right time came they might then kill the men.

At last these young men started from the fort. Hamblin had told the Indians that the right time had come, and that he wanted the Indians to ambush themselves at a point agreed on near the desert, where the men could be safely killed. The Indians obeyed Hamblin's orders, and as the men came to the place of ambush the Indians fired upon them, and succeeded in killing one of the men. The other returned the fire, and shot one of Hamblin's right-hand men or pet Indians through the hand; this Indian's name was Queets, which means left-handed. By wounding this Indian he managed to escape, and returned to the fort, lout doing so with the loss of the pack animals, provisions and the riding animal of his partner that lay dead upon the desert. The survivor stayed with Mr. Judd for a few days, when a com-

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pany of emigrants passed that way, and with them he succeeded in making his escape from the death that Hamblin had planned for him.

Hamblin was at Salt Lake City when the Mountain Meadows Massacre took place, and he pretends to have great sympathy with and sorrow for their fate. I can only judge what he would have done towards the massacre if he had been at home by what he did to help the neat train that passed that way. When this train was passing through the settlements, Hamblin made arrangements with Nephi Johnson and his other interpreters (all of them were tools for Hamblin) how and where to relieve this company of the large herd of stock that belonged to the train. They had a large number of horses and cattle, more than five hundred head in all. Several interpreters were sent on ahead of the train. One of these was Ira Hatch. They were ordered by Hamblin to prepare the Indians to make a raid upon the stock, and these men and Indians obeyed orders then the same as my brethren and I did with the first company. About 10 o'clock, A. M., just after the train had crossed the Muddy, or a few miles beyond it on the desert, at the time and place as agreed on by Hamblin, and just as he had ordered it to be done, over one hundred Indians made a dash on the train and drove all the stock off to the Muddy.

The emigrants fired at the Indians, but the treacherous Nephi Johnson was acting as a guide, interpreter and friend to the whites; in fact that was how he came to be along with themwas to pretend to aid them and protect them from Indians, but in fact he was there by order of Hamblin, to make the Indian raid on the stock a success.

Nephi Johnson rushed out and told the emigrants that if they valued their own lives they must not fire again, for if they did so he could not protect them from the cruelty of the savages ---that the Indians would return and massacre them the same as they did the emigrants at Mountain Meadows.

The acting of Johnson and the other interpreters and spies that were with him, was so good that after a consultation the emigrants decided to follow his advice. The final conclusion was, that as Johnson was friendly with the Indians, and could talk their language, he should go and see the Indians, and try and get the stock back.

The emigrants waited on the desert, and Johnson went to the

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Indians, or pretended to do so. After a few hours he returned, and reported that the Indians were very hostile, and threatened to attack the train at once; that be was afraid he could not prevent it, and the only chance for the emigrants was in their instant departure; that as the emigrants would be gaining a place of safety, he would, at the risk of his life, make an effort to keep the Indians back, and pacify them. Also that he would report to Hamblin as soon as possible, and raise a force of men at the fort, and get back the stock, if it could be done, and would write to the company, giving an account of his success, so they would get his letter at San Bernardino, and if he recovered the stock, the emigrants could send back a party to receive it, and drive it to California.

Under the circumstances, the company adopted his plan, and he left them on the desert, with all their loose stock gone; but the dander was over, for the stock was what Hamblin and Johnson had been working for.

Johnson returned and ordered the Indians to drive the stock to the Clara. The Indians acted like good Mormons, and obeyed orders. Hamblin gave them a few head of cattle for their services in aiding him to steal the drove. The remainder of the cattle and horses the secret keeper, Hamblin, took charge of for the benefit of the Mission. As the cattle became fat enough for beef, they were sold or butchered for the use of the settlers. Some were traded to other settlements for sheep and other articles. In this way Hamblin used all of the stock stolen from the Dukes Company, except some forty head.

In order to keep up an appearance of honesty and fairness, Hamblin wrote a letter to Capt. Dukes, in the fall of 1860, saying that he had recovered a small portion of the company's sock from the Indians, by giving them presents, and that some of the stock had been traded to the settlers by the Indians. This letter was to be confirmed by all the missionaries and settlers, when the stock was to be called for by the former owners.

No one was to give information that would lead to the discovery of the stock.

This was always the way when the Mormons committed a crime against the Gentiles. All the brethren were to help keep the secret. Some of the Dukes Company came back to Hamblin's for their cattle and horses, and after three weeks' diligent search among the secret keepers, ---they succeeded in getting about

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forty head of cattle, and returned with them to California. Several of the settlers were severely censured for giving the little information that was given, which led to the recovery of that small portion of the large herd of cattle and horses that the Saints, Hamblin and Johnson, had stolen by the help of the Indians, and the efforts of the brethren.

THE MORMON METHOD OF DISPOSING OF SISPECTED PERSONS.

In the Winter of 1857-8 John Weston took an Irishman, that had been stopping with him as his guest several days, on a hunt, and when he got him in the brush and timber four miles west of Cedar City, he cut the throat of the Irishman and left the body unburied. A son of Weston said that his father received orders to kill the man because Isaac C. Haight considered him a spy.

Near the same time Philip Klingensmith laid in ambush to kill Robert Keyes (now a resident of Beaver City, Utah Territory), while Keyes was irrigating in his field. Klingensmith wanted to kill Keyes because Keyes refused to give false testimony when requested to do so by Klingensmith, who was then Bishop of the Church. When Keyes came within a few feet of the hiding place of Klingensmith, this "holy" man raised his gun and took deliberate aim at Keyes' heart, but the cap bursted without exploding the powder, and so Keyes escaped.

After the Massacre, when Haight learned that Brigham Young did not fully approve of the deed, he then sought to screen himself, Higbee and Klingensmith, by putting me between them and danger. He reported that I was the big captain that planned, led and executed it; that the honor of such a noble deed for the avenging of the blood of the Prophets would lead to honor, immortality and eternal life in the kingdom of God; that I must stand to my integrity; that no man would ever be hurt. In this way it soon became a settled fact that I was the actual butcher and leader in that awful affair. Year by year that story has gained ground and strength, until I am now held responsible, and am to die, to save the Church. However, this is a regular trick of the Church leaders ---use a man as long as he is of any use, and then throw him aside.

As I have stated in other places in my writings, the people in Utah who professed the Mormon religion were at and for some time before the massacre full of wild-fire and fanatical zeal, anxious

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to do something to build up the Kingdom of God on earth and to waste away the enemies of the Mormon religion. At that time it was s common thing for small bands of people on their way from California to pass through by way of Cedar City on their journey. Many of these people were killed simply because they were Gentiles. When a Gentile came into a town he was looked upon with suspicion, and most of the people considered every stranger a spy from the United States army. The killing of Gentiles was considered a means of grace and a virtuous deed.

I remember an affair that transpired at the old distillery in Cedar City, just before the massacre. I was informed of it when I went to Cedar City, by the chief men there, and I may say I know it to be true. The facts are as follows: Three men came to Cedar City one evening; they were poor, and much worn by their long journey. They were on their way to California. They were so poor and destitute that the authorities considered they were dangerous men, so they reported that they were spies from Johnston's army, and ordered the brethren to devise a plan to put them out of the way, decently and in order. That the will of God, as made known through Haight and Klingensmith, might be done, these helpless men were told to go to the old distillery and take a drink. They went in company with John M. Higbee, John Weston, James Harlem and Wm. C. Stewart, and I think another man, but if so I have forgotten his name. The party drank considerable, and when the emigrants got under the influence of the whisky the brethren attacked them, and knocked the brains out of two of the men with the king-bolt of a wagon. The third man was very powerful and muscular; he fought valiantly for his life, but after a brief struggle he was overcome and killed. They were buried near Cedar City.

This deed was sustained by all the people there. The parties who did the killing were pointed out as true, valiant men, zealous defenders of the faith, and as fine examples for the young men to pattern after.

ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE LIEUTENANT TOBIN.

Sometime in the Fall of 1857, not long after the Mountain Meadows Massacre, it was decided by the authorities at Salt Lake City that Lieut. Tobin must he killed. Tobin had left a train at Salt Lake, joined the Church there, and afterwards married

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a daughter of General Charles C. Rich, one of the Twelve Apostles. Tobin was quite a smart man, and soon after his marriage he was sent to England on a mission.

While preaching in England, it was reported that he had committed adultery there, and he was ordered home. On his arrival in Salt Lake he was cut off from the Church, and I think his wife was taken from him by order of the Church. He made several efforts to get out of the Territory. Finally he got with a company en-route for California, and left Salt Lake, intending to go to California, to escape the persecutions that were being forced upon him 'by the Church authorities. After he had been gone a few days the II Destroying Angels " were put on his trail, with orders to kill him without fail before they returned. Two desperate fanatics were selected, who knew nothing but to obey orders. Joel White and John Willis were the parties.

They started on the trail, determined to kill Tobin when they could find him. They had no cause to find fault with him; he bad never injured them, but he had in some way fallen under the ban of the Church, and his death had been decreed. These vile tools of the Church leaders were keeping their oaths of obedience to the Priesthood, and were as willing to shed blood at the command of the Prophet or any of the apostles, as ever Inquisitor was to apply the rack to an offending heretic in the dungeons of the Inquisition. In fact Mormonism is Jesuitism refined and perfected.

White and Willis overtook the company that Lieut. Tobin was traveling with, at a point at or near the crossing of the Magottsey. They found where he was sleeping, and going right up to him as he lay on the ground, rolled up in his blanket, they shot him several times, and at last thinking him dead, they concluded to shoot him once more to make certain that he would not escape. So they put a pistol right up against his eye, and fired; the ball put out his eye, but did not kill him.

The "angels" made their escape and returned to Salt Lake City, and reported that their orders were obeyed.

Severely wounded as he was, Lieut. Tobin recovered, and was when I last heard from him in the Union army.

POWER OP THE PRIESTHOOD.

At Parowan, in 1855 or 1856, there was a case that for a while shook my faith in the Church, but I soon got over it and

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was like others, satisfied that all was done for the glory of God, but that I was so sinful that I could not understand it.

There was a man living there by the name of Robert Gillespie. He was a member of the Church, had one wife, and owned a fine property. Gillespie wanted to be sealed to his sister-in-law, but for some reason his request was denied. He had known of others obtaining wives by committing adultery first and then being sealed to avoid scandal. So he tried it, and then went to the apostle George A. Smith, and again asked to be sealed to the woman; but George A. had a religious fit on him, or something else, so he refused to seal him or let him be sealed, giving as his reason for refusing, that Gillespie had exercised the rights of sealing without first obtaining orders to do so. A warrant was issued and Gillespie arrested and placed under guard, he was also sued in the Probate Court, before James Lewis, Probate Judge, and a heavy judgment was rendered against him, and all his property was sold to pay the fine and costs. The money was put into the Church fund and Gillespie was broken up entirely and forced to leave the Territory in a destitute condition.

Many such cases came under my observation. I have known the Church to act in this way and break up and destroy many, very many men. The Church was then, and in that locality, supreme. None could safely defy or disobey it. The Church authorities used the laws of the land, the laws of the Church, and Danites and "Angels" to enforce their orders, and rid the country of those who were distasteful to the leaders. And I say as a fact that there was no escape for any one that the leaders of the Church in Southern Utah selected as a victim.

WOODWARD'S WIFE.

The fate of old man Braffett, of Parowan, was a peculiar one, and as it afterwards led me into trouble, I will give the story briefly, to show the power of the Priesthood and the peculiarity of the people there.

Old man Braffett lived at Parowan, and in the Fall of 1855 a man by the name of Woodward came to Braffett's house and stopped there to recruit his teams before crossing the deserts. Woodward had two wives. He had lived in Nauvoo, and while there had been architect for the Nauvoo House. While Woodward and his family were stopping with Braffett one of his wives

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concluded that she would be damned if she went to live in California ----leaving the land of the Saints--- and she asked to be divorced from Woodward and sealed to Braffett. At first Braffett refused to take her, but she was a likely and healthy woman. She made love to the old man in earnest, and finally induced him to commit adultery with her. The parties were discovered in the act by old Mrs. Braffett, and she was not so firm in the faith as to permit her husband to enjoy himself without making a fuss about it. The authorities were informed of Braffett's transgressions, and he was arrested and taken before the Probate Judge and tried for the sin of adultery. He made a bill of sale of some of his property to me, for which I paid him before his trial. After hearing the case, the Probate Judge fined him $1,000, and ordered him to be imprisoned until the fine and costs were paid. Ezra Curtis, the then marshal at Parowan, took all of Braffett's property that could be found and sold it for the purpose of paying the fine, but the large amount of property which was taken was sold for a small sum, for the brethren would not bid much for property taken from one who had broken his covenants.

Being unable to pay the fine, the old man was ordered to be taken to Salt Lake City, to be imprisoned in the prison there. I was selected to take him to Salt Lake. I took the old man them, and after many days spent in working with Brigham Young and his apostles, I succeeded in securing a pardon from Brigham for the old man.

Braffett was put to work at Salt Lake by Brigham Young. He dared not return home at that time. His property was all gone, and he was ruined.

The part I took to befriend the old man made several of the brethren at Parowan mad at me, and they swore they would have revenge against me for interfering where I was not interested. I staid in Salt Lake some time, and when I started home there were quite a number of people along. All the teams were heavily loaded; the roads were bad, and our teams weak. We all had to walk much of the time. After we had passed the Severe River the road was very bad. My team was the best in the whole company, and I frequently let some of the women who, were in the party ride in my wagon. One evening, just about dark, I was asked by a young woman, by the name of Alexander, to let her ride, as she was very tired walking. I had her get in the wagon with my wife Rachel, and she rode there until

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we camped for the night. I got into the wagon after dark and drove the team. We had ridden along this way an hour or so, when Rachel said she was going to ride a while in the neat wagon, which was driven by my son-in-law, Mr. Dalton. Soon after Rachel got out of the wagon, a couple of my enemies rode by. I spoke to them, and they rode on. As soon as these men reached the camp they reported that I had been taking improper privileges with this Alexander. I was at once told to consider myself under arrest, and that as soon as we reached Parowan I would be tried by the Council for violating my covenants. I was surprised and grieved at the charge, for I was innocent, and the young woman was a very fine and virtuous woman, and as God is soon to judge me, I declare I never knew of her committing any sin. But she had to suffer slander upon her good name simply because she was befriended by me.

When we reached Parowan there was a meeting called by the Priesthood to try me. This Council was composed of the President of that Stake of Zion and his two Counselors, the High Council, the City Council and the leading men of Parowan. It was a general meeting of the authorities, Church and civil, at Parowan. The meeting was held in a chamber that was used for a prayer circle. It was called a circle room, because the people met there to transact private business and to hold prayer in a circle, which was done in this way. All the brethren would kneel in a circle around the room, near enough to each other for their arms to touch, so that the influence would be more powerful. When the meeting was called to order all the lights were put out, and I was taken into the room and placed on trial. The charge was stated to me and I was ordered to confess my guilt. I told them I was innocent; that I had committed no crime ---in fact had not thought of wrong. I told the truth, just as it was. I was then ordered to stand one side.

The young woman was then brought into the room, and as she came in a pistol was placed to my head and I was told to keep silent. She was questioned and threatened at great length, but not all the threats that they could use would induce her to tell a falsehood. She insisted that I was entirely innocent.

Next her father, an old man, was introduced and questioned. He told the Council that he had diligently enquired into the mutter, and believed I was innocent.

Neither the young woman nor her father knew who was in the

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room. All they knew was that they were being examined before the secret tribunal of Utah, and that a false oath in that place would ensure their death.

When the evidence had been received and the witnesses retired; the candles were again lighted. Then speeches were made by most of the men present, and every one but two spoke in favor of my conviction. Without taking a vote the meeting adjourned, or rather left that place and went somewhere else to consult. I was left in the dark, the house locked and guards placed around the building. I was told that my fate would soon be decided, and I would then be informed what it was to be. I knew so well the manner of dealing in such cases that I expected to be assassinated in the dark, but for some reason it was not done.

Next morning some food was brought to me, but I was still kept a prisoner and refused the liberty of consulting with any friends or any of my family.

Date that day I looked out of the window of the chamber where I was confined, and saw a man by the name of John Steel. He was first Counselor to the President of that Stake of Zion. I called to him and asked him to secure my freedom. After stating the case to him he promised to see what could be done for me, and went off. Through his exertions I was soon released. I was told to go home and hold myself subject too orders-that my case was not yet decided.

I went home, butt for months I expected to be assassinated every day, for it was the usual course of the authorities to send an "Angel " after all men who were charged or suspected of having violated their covenants.

Nothing further was done about the case, but it was held over me as a means of forcing me to live in accordance with the wishes of the Priesthood and to prevent me from again interfering with the Church authorities when they saw fit to destroy a man, as they destroyed old man Braffett, and I believe it did have the effect to make me more careful who I befriended.

In 1854 (I think that was the year) there was a young man, a, Gentile, working in Parowan. He was quiet and orderly, but was courting some of the girls. He was notified to quit, and let the girls alone, but he still kept going to see some of them. This was contrary to orders. No Gentile was at that time allowed to keep company with or visit any Mormon girl of

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woman. The authorities decided to have the young man killed, so they called two of Bishop Dames' Destroying Angels, Barnet Carter and old man Gould, and told them to take that cursed young Gentile "over the rim of the basin." That was a term used by the people when they killed a person.

The destroying angels made some excuse to induce the young man to go with them on an excursion, and when they got close to Shirts' mill, near Harmony, they killed him, and left his body in the brush.

The Indians found the body, and reported the facts to me

soon afterwards. I was not at home that night, but Carter and Gould went to my house and staid there all night. Rachel asked them where they had been. They told her they had been on a mission to take a young man, a Gentile, over the rim of the basin, and Carter showed her his sword, which was all bloody, and he said lie used that to help the Gentile over the edge. Rachel knew what they meant when they spoke of sending him "over the rim of the basin." It was at that time a common thing to see parties going out of Cedar City and Harmony, with suspected Gentiles, to send them "over the rim of the basin," and the Gentiles were always killed.

This practice was supported by all the people, and every

thing of that kind was done by orders from the Council, or by orders from some of the Priesthood. When a Danite or a destroying angel was placed on a man's track, that man died, certain, unless some providential act saved him, as in Tobin's case; he was saved because the "angels" believed he was dead.

The Mormons ---nearly all, and I think every one of them in Utah, previous to the massacre at Mountain Meadows, believed in blood atonement. It was taught by the leaders and believed by the people that the Priesthood were inspired and could not give a wrong order. It was the belief of all that I ever heard talk of these things ---and I have been with the Church since the dark days in Jackson County--- that the authority that ordered a

murder committed, was the only responsible party, that the man who did the killing was only an instrument, working by command of a superior, and hence could have no ill will against the person killed, but was only acting by authority and committed no wrong. In other words, if Brigham Young or any of his apostles, or any of the Priesthood, gave an order to a man, the act was the act of the one giving the order, and the man doing the

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act was only an instrument of the person commanding ---just as much of an instrument as the knife that was used to cut the throat of the victim. This being the belief of all good Mormons, it is easily understood why the orders of the Priesthood were so blindly obeyed by the people.

Another circumstance came to my knowledge soon after it was done that will speak for itself. Not far from the time of the Mountain Meadows massacre, there was an emigrant who claimed to be a Mormon, but I never knew whether he was one or not, that worked a number of months for Captain Jacob Huffine, at Parowan. This man wanted his pay; it was not conivenient to pay him; he insisted on being paid, but not getting his wages, he determined to leave there. He started away from the settlement at Summit, about seven miles from Parowan. The Indians of Parowan were sent for and ordered to overtake -and kill the man. They did so, and shot him full of arrows. The man called to the Indians and told them that he was a Mormon and they must not kill him.

The Indians replied by saying, "We know you, you are no Mormon, you are a Mericat; the Mormons told us to kill you."

They then beat his head with rocks, and cut his throat, then went back to Parowan and reported what they had done.

I was told all about this by the Indians. But I never enquired into the facts, for I then believed, and still have reasons to think the man was killed by authority. He had offended in some way, and his death was like that of many others, the result of orders from the Priesthood.

KILLING OF ROSMOS ANDERSON, ETC.

William Laney, of Harrisburg, Utah Territory, had formed the acquaintance of the family of Aden while on a mission to Tennessee, and he was saved from a mob who threatened his death because he was a Mormon preacher. When Fancher's train reached Parowan, Mr. Laney met young Aden and recognized him as the son of the man who had saved his life.

Aden told him that he was hungry, that he and his comrades ,had been unable to purchase supplies from the Mormons ever since they left Salt Lake City, and that there appeared to be a conspiracy that had been formed against that train by which the

Mormons had agreed to starve the emigrant. Laney took

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young Aden to his house, gave him his sapper, and let him sleep :here that night. The next day Laney was accused by leading men with being unfaithful to his obligations. They said he had supported the enemies of the Church and given aid and comfort to one whose hands were still red with the blood of the Prophet its. A few nights after that the Destroying Angels, who were Going the bidding of Bishop Dame, were ordered to kill William Laney to save him from his sins, he having violated his endowment oath and furnished food to a man who had been declared an outlaw by the Mormon Church. The "Angels" were commanded by Barnet Carter, a son-in-law of Wm. H. Dame, who now lives in Los Angeles County, California. The Angels called Laney out of the house, saying that Bishop Dame wished to see him. As Laney passed through the gate into the street, he was struck across the back of the head with a large club by Barnet' Carter. His skull was fractured somewhat and for many months Laney lay at the point of death, and his mind still shows the effect of the injury he then received, for his brain has never quite settled since. I have frequently talked with Laney about this matter, but as he was fully initiated into the mysteries of the Church, he knows that he will yet be killed if his life can be taken with safety, if he make public the facts connected with the conspiracy to take his life. He is still strong in the Mormon faith, and almost believes that Dame had the right to have him gilled. At the time Carter attempted to take the life of Laney, the Mormon Church was under the blaze of the reformation, and punishment by death was the penalty for refusing to obey the orders of the Priesthood.

One of the objects of the reformation was to place the Priesthood in possession of every secret act and crime that had been committed by a man of the Church. These secrets were obtained in this way: a meeting would be called; some Church leader would make a speech, defining the duties that the people owed to the Priesthood, and instructing the people why it was necessary that the Priesthood should control the entire acts of the people, and it was preached that to keep back any fact from 'Ile knowledge of the Priesthood was an unpardonable sin. After one or more such discourses, the people were called upon by name, commanded to rise from their seats, sad standing in the midst of the congregation, to publicly confess all their sins. If his confession was not full and complete, it was also made the

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duty of the members of the Church, or any one of them who knew that the party confessing had committed a crime, which he had not divulged, it was then to be made public by the party. knowing the same. Unless the party then confessed, a charge was preferred against him or her for a violation of covenants, and unless full confession and repentance immediately followed, the sinful member was to be slain for the remission of his sins, it being taught by the leaders and believed by the people that the right thing to do with a sinner who did not repent and obey the Council, was to take the life of the offending party, and thus save his everlasting soul. This was called "Blood Atonement." The members who fully confessed their sins were again admitted into the Church and rebaptized, they taking new covenants to obey any and all orders of the Priesthood, and to refuse all manner of assistance, friendship or communication with those who refused a strict obedience to the authorities of the Church.

The most deadly sin among the people was adultery, and many men were killed in Utah for that crime.

Rosmos Anderson was a Danish man who had come to Utah with his family to receive the benefits arising from an association with the "Latter-Day Saints." He had married a widow lady somewhat older than himself, and she had a daughter that was fully grown at time of the reformation. The girl was very anxious to be sealed to her step-father, and Anderson was equally anxious to take her for a second wife, but as she was a fine-looking girl, Klingensmith desired her to marry him, and she refused. At one of the meetings during the reformation Anderson and his step-daughter confessed that they had committed adultery, believing when they did so that Brigham Young would allow them to marry when he learned the facts. Their confession being full, they were rebaptized and received into full membership. They were then placed under covenant that if they again committed adultery, Anderson should suffer death. Soon after this a charge was laid against Anderson before the Council. accusing him of adultery with his step-daughter. This Council was composed of Klingensmith and his two counselors; it was the Bishop's Council. Without giving Anderson any chance to defend himself or make a statement, the Council voted that Anderson must die for violating his covenants. Klingensmith went to Anderson and notified him that the orders were that he.

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must die by having his throat cut, so that the running of his blood would atone for his sins. Anderson, being a firm believer in the doctrines and teachings of the Mormon Church, made no objections, but asked for half a day to prepare for death. His, request was granted. His wife was ordered to prepare a suit of clean clothing, in which to have her husband buried, and was informed that he was to be killed for his sins, she being directed to tell those who should enquire after her husband that he had gone to California.

Klingensmith, James Harlem, Daniel McFarland and John M. Higbee dug a grave in the field near Cedar City, and that night, about 12 o'clock, went to Anderson's house and ordered him to make ready to obey the Council. Anderson got up, dressed himself, bid his family good-bye, and without a word of remonstrance accompanied those that he believed were carrying out the will of the "Almighty God." They went to the place where the grave was prepared; Anderson knelt upon the side of the grave and prayed. Klingensmith and his company then cut Anderson's throat from ear to ear and held him so that his blood ran into the grave.

As soon as he was dead they dressed him in his clean clothes, threw him into the grave and buried him. They then carried his bloody clothing back to his family, and gave them to his wife to wash, when she was again instructed to say that her husband was in California. She obeyed their orders.

No move of that kind was made at Cedar City, unless it was done by order of the "Council" or of the "High Council." I was at once informed of Anderson's death, because at that time I possessed the confidence of all the people, who would talk to me confidentially, and give me the particulars of all crimes committed by order of the Church. Anderson was killed just before the Mountain Meadows massacre. The killing of Anderson was then considered a religious duty and a just act. It was justified by all the people, for they were bound by the same covenants, and the least word of objection to thus treating the man who had broken his covenant would have brought the same fate upon the person who was so foolish as to raise his voice against any act committed by order of the Church authorities.

Brigham Young knew very well that I was not a man who would willingly take life, and therefore I was not ordered to do

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his bloody work. I never took part in any killing that was desired or ordered by the Church, except the part I took in the Mountain Meadows Massacre. I was well known by all the members of the Church as one that stood high in the confidence of Brigham Young, and that I was close-mouthed and reliable. By this means I was usually informed of the facts in every case where violence was, used in the section of country where I re-aided. I knew of many men being killed in Nauvoo by the Danites. It was then the rule that all the enemies of Joseph Smith should be killed, and I know of many a man who was quietly put out of the way by the orders of Joseph and his Apostles while the Church was there.

It has always been a well understood doctrine of the Church that it was right and praiseworthy to kill every person who spoke evil of the Prophet. This doctrine had been strictly lived up to in Utah, until the Gentiles arrived in such great numbers that it became unsafe to follow the practice, but the doctrine is still believed, and no year passes without one or more of those who have spoken evil of Brigham Young being killed, in a secret manner.

Springfield, Utah, was one of the hot-beds of fanaticism, and I expect that more men were killed there, in proportion to population, than in any other part of Utah. In that settlement it was certain death to say a word against the authorities, high or low.

In Utah it has been the custom with the Priesthood to make eunuchs of such men as were obnoxious to the leaders. This was done for a double purpose: first, it gave a perfect revenge, and next, it left the poor victim a living example to others of the dangers of disobeying counsel and not living as ordered by the Priesthood.

In Nauvoo it was the orders from Joseph Smith and his apostle s to beat, wound and castrate all Gentiles that the police could take in the act of entering or leaving a Mormon household under circumstances that led to the belief that they had been there for immoral purposes. I knew of several such outrages while there. In Utah it was the favorite revenge of old, worn-out members of the Priesthood, who wanted young women sealed to them, and found that the girl preferred some handsome young man. The old priests generally got the girls, and many a young man was unsexed for refusing to give up his sweetheart at the

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request of an old and failing, but still sensual apostle or member of the Priesthood.

As an illustration I will refer to an instance that many a good Saint knows to be true.

Warren Snow was Bishop of the Church at Manti, San Pete County, Utah. He had several wives, but there was a fair, buxom young woman in the town that Snow wanted for a wife. He made love to her with all his powers, went to parties where she was, visited her at her home, and proposed to make her his wife. She thanked him for the honor offered, but told him she was then engaged to a young man, a member of the Church, and

consequently could not marry the old priest. This was no sufficient reason to Snow. He told her it was the will of God that she should marry him, and she must do so; that the young man could be got rid of, sent on a mission or dealt with in some way so as to release her from her engagement---that, in fact, a promise made to the young man was not binding, when she was informed that it was contrary to the wishes of the authorities.

The girl continued obstinate. The "teachers" of the town visited her and advised her to marry Bishop Snow. Her parents, under the orders of the Counselors of the Bishop, also insisted that their daughter must marry the old man. She still refused. Then the authorities called on the young man and directed him to give up the young woman. This he steadfastly refused to do. He was promised Church preferment, celestial rewards, and

everything that could be thought of ---all to no purpose. He remained true to his intended, and said he would die before he would surrender his intended wife to the embraces of another.

This unusual resistance of authority by the young people made Snow more anxious than ever to capture the girl. The young man was ordered to go on a mission to some distant locality, so that the authorities would have no trouble in effecting their purpose of forcing the girl to marry as they desired. But the mission was refused by the still contrary and unfaithful young man.

It was then determined that the rebellious young man must be forced by harsh treatment to respect the advice and orders the Priesthood. His fate was left to Bishop Snow for his decision. He decided that the young man should be castrated; Snow saying, "When that is done, he will not be liable to want

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the girl badly, and she will listen to reason when she knows that her lover is no longer a man."

It was then decided to call a meeting of the people who lived true to counsel, which was to be held in the school-house in Manti, at which place the young man should be present, and dealt with according to Snow's will. The meeting was called. The young man was there, and was again requested, ordered and threatened, to get him to surrender the young woman to Snow, but true to his plighted troth, he refused to consent to give up the girl. The lights were then put out. An attack was made on the young man. He was severely beaten, and then tied with his back down on a bench, when Bishop Snow took a bowie-knife, and performed the operation in a most brutal manner, and then took the portion severed from his victim and hung it up in the school-house on a nail, so that it could be seen by all who visited the house afterwards.

The party then left the young man weltering in his blood, and in a lifeless condition. During the night he succeeded in releasing himself from his confinement, and dragged himself to some hay-stocks, where he lay until the next day, when he was discovered by his friends. The young man regained his health, but has been an idiot or quiet lunatic ever since, and is well known by hundreds of both Mormons and Gentiles in Utah.

After this outrage old Bishop Snow took occasion to get up a meeting at the school-house, so as to get the people of Manti, and the young woman that he wanted to marry, to attend the meeting. When all had assembled, the old man talked to the people about their duty to the Church, and their duty to obey counsel, and the dangers of refusal, and then publicly called attention to the mangled parts of the young man, that had been severed from his person, and stated that the deed had been done to teach the people that the counsel of the Priesthood must be obeyed. To make a long story short, I will say, the young woman was soon after forced into being sealed to Bishop Snow.

Brigham Young, when he heard of this treatment of the young man, was very mad, but did nothing against Snow. He left him in charge as Bishop at Manti, and ordered the matter to be hushed up. This is only one instance of many that I might give to show the danger of refusing to obey counsel in Utah.

It frequently happened that men would become dissatisfied with the Church or something else in Utah, and try to leave the

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Territory. The authorities would try to convince such persons that they ought to remain, but if they insisted on going, they were informed that they had permission to do so. When the person bad started off, with his stock and property, it was nearly always the rule to send a lot of Danites to steal all the stock and run it off into the mountains; so that in the majority of cases the people would return wholly broken up and settle down again as obedient members of the Church. It was a rare thing for a man to escape from the Territory with all of his property, until after the Pacific Railroad was built through Utah.

It was the general custom to rob the persons who were leaving the country, but many of them were killed, because it was considered they would tell tales that should not be made public, in the event of their reaching Gentile settlements.

Brigham Young discouraged mining at all times, and when any man found any metal he was ordered to keep it a secret. The people were taught to believe that the Latter-Day Saints would soon own all the wealth of the earth, and that no people but Mormons would be alive in a few years. That when the earth was conquered and the truths of Mormonism were universally acknowledged, the people would then have all the wealth they desired. Gold would be brass brass as plenty as plenty as silver, silver as plenty as stone, and stone as plenty as wood.

That this gold, silver and other metals and precious stones would then be used for beautifying places of worship, and to wake holy vessels of, and each man was to have all the wealth he could use or enjoy, if he was only faithful in these last days.

As a matter to satisfy the public, I will give the following facts connected with my personal history:

When I moved to Nauvoo, I had one wife and one child. Soon after I got there, I was appointed as the Seventh Policeman. I had superiors in office, and was sworn to secrecy, and to obey the orders of my superiors, and not let my left hand know what my right hand did. It was my duty to do as I was ordered, and not to ask questions. I was instructed in the secrets of the Priesthood to a great event, and taught to believe, as I then did believe, that it was my duty, and the duty of all men to obey the leaders of the Church, and that no man could commit sin so long as he acted in the way that he was directed by his Church superiors. I was one of the Life Guard of the Prophet Joseph Smith.

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HOW I FIRST HEARD OF THE DOCTRINE OF POLYGAMY.

One day the Chief of Police came to me and said that I must take two more policemen that he named, and watch the house of s widow woman named Clawson. She was the mother of Ii. B. Clawson, of Salt Lake City. I was informed that a man went there nearly every night about ten o'clock, and left about day light. I was also ordered to station myself and my men near the house, and when the man came out we were to knock him down and castrate him, and not to be careful how hard we hit, for it would not be enquired into if we killed him.

I did not believe that the Chief of Police knew just what he was doing. I felt a timidity about carrying out the orders. It was my duty to report all unusual orders that I received from my superiors on the police force, to the Prophet Joseph Smith, or in his absence, to Hyrum, next in authority. I went to the house of the Prophet to report, but he was not at home. I then called for Hyrum, and he gave me an interview. I told him the orders that I had received from the Chief, and asked him if I should obey or not. He said to me, "Brother Lee, you have acted wisely in listening to the voice of the Spirit. It was the influence of God's Spirit that sent you here. You would have been guilty of a great crime if you had obeyed your Chief's orders."

Hyrum then told me that the man that I was ordered to attack was Howard Egan, and that he had been sealed to Mrs. Clawson, and that their marriage was a most holy one; that it was in accordance with a revelation that the Prophet had recently received direct from God. He then explained to me fully the doctrines of polygamy, and wherein it was permitted, and why it was right.

I was greatly interested in the doctrine. It accorded exactly with my views of the Scripture, and I at once accepted and believed in the doctrine as taught by the revelations received by Joseph Smith, the Prophet. As a matter of course I did not carry out the orders of the Chief. I had him instructed in his duty, and so Egan was never bothered by the police.

A few months after that I was sealed to my second wife. I was sealed to her by Brigham Young, then one of the Twelve. In less than one year after I first learned the will of God concerning the marriage of the Saints, as made known by Him in a revelation to Joseph Smith, I was the husband of nine wives.

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I took my wives in the following order: first, Agathe Ann Woolsey; second, Nancy Berry; third, Louisa Free (now one of the wives of Daniel H. Wells); fourth, Sarah C. Williams; fifth, old Mrs. Woolsey (she was the mother of Agathe Ann and Rachel A. I married her for her soul's sake, for her salvation in the eternal state); sixth, Rachel A. Woolsey (I was sealed to her at the same time that I was to her mother); seventh, Andora Woolsey (a sister to Rachel); eighth, Polly Ann Workman; ninth, Martha Berry; tenth, Delithea Morris. In 1847, while at Council Bluffs, Brigham Young sealed me to three women in one night, viz., eleventh, Nancy Armstrong (she was what we called a widow; she left her first husband in Tennessee, in order to be with the Mormon people); twelfth, Polly V. Young ; thirteenth, Louisa Young (these two were sisters.) Feat, I was sealed to my fourteenth wife, Emeline Vaughn. In 1851, I was sealed to my fifteenth wife, Mary Lear Groves. In 1856, I was sealed to my sixteenth wife, Mary Ann Williams. 1858, Brigham Young gave me my seventeenth wife, Emma Batchelder. I was sealed to her while a member of the Territorial Legislature. Brigham Young said that Isaac C. Haight, who was also in the Legislature, and I, needed some young women to renew our vitality, so he gave us both a dashing young bride. In 1859 I was sealed to my eighteenth wife, Teressa Morse.

I was sealed to her by order of Brigham Young. Amass Lyman officiated at the ceremony. The last wife I got was Ann Gordge. Brigham Young gave her to me, and I was sealed to her in Salt Lake by Heber C. Kimball. This was my nineteenth, but, as I was married to old Mrs. Woolsey for her soul's sake, and she was near sixty years old when I married her, I never considered her really as a wife. True, I treated her well and gave her all the rights of marriage. Still I never count her as one of my wives. That is the reason that I claim only eighteen true wives.

After 1861 I never asked Brigham Young for another wife. By my eighteen real wives I have been the father of sixty-four children. Ten of my children are dead and fifty-four are still living.

This is all I care to say about my own acts or the affairs of my family.

I have but little more to say.

To the jurymen who tried me, I say I have no unkind feelings.

The evidence was strong against me, and with that, and the instructions

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of the Court as they were given, the jury could do nothing but convict.

To the officers who have had me in charge during my confinement I return my thanks for their personal kindness. I give them the thanks of an old man, who is about to leave this earth and go to another sphere of existence.

The few guardsmen who misused me I forgive, for they were not conscious of their own wickedness.

If I have sinned and violated the laws of my country, I have done so because I have blindly followed and obeyed the orders of the Church leaders. I was guided in all that I did which is called criminal, by the orders of the leaders in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. I have never knowingly disobeyed the orders of the Church since I joined it at Far West, Missouri, until I was deserted by Brigham Young and his slaves.

I have selected Win. W. Bishop as the person that I wish to publish my life and confessions, so that the world may know just what I did do, and why I acted as I have done. I have delivered Mr. Bishop all of the manuscripts and private writings that are in my possession, and wish him to have all that I may bereafter write. I have assigned him all my writings, and he is the only person on earth who has a right to publish my life or my confessions.

To my attorneys, one and all, who have given me their valuable services, I return my kindest thanks, and regret that poverty prevents my paying them for what they have done for me.

To my family I say, may God pour rich blessings upon you, one and all. I ask you to live here on earth so that you can justly claim a seat in the realms of bliss after life's troubles are ended.

To my enemies I say, judge not, that ye be not judged. In life you were often unjust to me. After I am dead remember to be charitable to one who never designedly did a wrong.

CONCLUSION OF THE CONFESSION OF JOHN D. LEE.

Written in prison at Fort Cameron, near Beaver City, Utah Territory. Delivered to Hon. Sumner Howard by John D. Lee, on the field of execution, just before the sentence of death was carried into effect.

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page 291 LEE'S CONFESSION.

Forwarded to Wm. W. Bishop, by Hon. Sumner Howard, according to the last request of John D. Lee.

CAMP CAMERON, March 13th, 1877.

Morning clear, still and pleasant. The guard, George Tracy, informs me that Col. Nelson and Judge Howard have gone. Since my confinement here, I have reflected much over my sentence, and as the time of my execution is drawing near, I feel composed, and as calm as the summer morning. I hope to meet my fate with manly courage. I declare my innocence. I have done nothing designedly wrong in that unfortunate and lamentable affair with which I have been implicated. I used my utmost endeavors to save them from their sad fate. I freely would have given worlds, were they at my command, to have averted that evil. I wept and mourned over them before and after, but words will not help them, now it is done. My blood cannot help them, neither can it make that atonement required. Death to me has no terror. It is but a struggle, and all is over. I much regret to part with my loved ones here, especially under that odium of disgrace that will follow my name; that I cannot help.

I know that I have a reward in Heaven, and my conscience does not accuse me. This to me is a great consolation. I place wore value upon it than I would upon an eulogy without merit. If my work is done here on earth, I ask my God in Heaven, in the name of His Son Jesus Christ, to receive my spirit, and allow me to meet my loved ones who have gone behind the vail. The bride of my youth and her faithful mother, my devoted friend and companion, N. A., also my dearly beloved children, all of whom I parted from with sorrow, but shall meet them with joy ---I bid you all an affectionate farewell. I have been treacherously betrayed and sacrificed in the most cowardly manner by those who should have been my friends, and whose will I have diligently striven to make my pleasure, for the last thirty wars at least. In return for my faithfulness and fidelity to him end his cause, he has sacrificed me in a most shameful and cruel may. I leave them in the hands of the Lord to deal with them according to the merits of their crimes, in the final restitution of all things.

TO THE MOTHERS OF MT CHILDREN.

I beg of you to teach them better things than to ever allow

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page 292 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

themselves to be let down so low as to be steeped in the vice, corruption and villainy that would allow them to sacrifice the meanest wretch on earth, much less a neighbor and a friend, as their father has been. Be kind and true to each other. Do not contend about my property. You know my mind concerning it. Live faithful and humble before God, that we may meet again in the mansions of bliss that God has prepared for His faithful servants. Remember the last words of your most true and devoted friend on earth, and let them sink deep into your tender aching hearts; many of you I may never see in this world again, but I leave my blessing with you. FAREWELL.

I wish my wife Rachel to take a copy of the above, and all my family to have a copy of the original. My worthy attorney, W. W. Bishop, will please insert it in my record or history, should I not be able to write up my history to the proper place, to speak of my worthy friend Win. H. Hooper. Please exonerate him from all blame or censure of buying the stock of that unfortunate company, as there is no truth in the accusation whatever. He is a noble, high-minded gentleman. And let it appear also of Bishop John Sharp, honorably, for, the nobleness of the man who advanced me money in the time of trouble, and if my history meet with the favor of the public, pay those two gentlemen. My friends Hoge and Foster, as well as yourself and Spicer, some. You understand our agreement.

John D. Lee

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PAGE 293

CHAPTER XX.

ARREST OF JOHN D. LEE BY WM. STOKES, DEPUTY UNITED STATES MARSHAL.

WISHING to give a correct account of the arrest of John D. Lee, by William Stokes, Deputy United States Marshal for the District of Utah, I wrote a letter to Mr. Stokes, on the 28th day of March, 1877, asking him to give the full facts, as many contradictory statements relating thereto had been in general circulation. The following letter was written by Mr. Stokes, and I know from the general character of the writer that the same is true in every particular. I give the letter in the language of the writer. It explains itself:

UNITED STATES MARSHAL'S OFFICE, DISTRICT OF UTAH, BEAVER CITY, UTAH, April 1st, 1877. Wu. W. BISHOP, Pioche, Nevada:

My Dear Sir: Yours of the 28th of March at hand and contents noted. As requested, I send you all the facts of the arrest of John D. Lee, from the time the warrants were placed in my hands until I arrested him and brought him to Beaver City. I tell it in my own way, and you can use it as you see proper.

About the first of October, 1874, warrants were placed in my hands for the arrest of Lee, Haight, Higbee, Stewart, Wilden, Adair, Klingensmith and Jukes (the warrant for the arrest of Dame not being placed in my bands at that time.) I received instructions from General George R. Maxwell, United States Marshal for the District of Utah, that Lee was the most important one of all those indicted, and that he wanted him arrested first, if possible, but that it was a dangerous undertaking,

for he was satisfied by what lie could learn that he would never be taken alive. He wanted me to take him alive, if possible, but not at too great a risk; that he did not want to give me any plan of operations or particular instructions how to act, as he

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believed that I knew more about that kind of business than he did, and that he did not wish to give any officer under him any plans when he was sure, as he was in this case, that it world be laying a plan to have one of his own officers killed.

I took the case in hand, thinking at that time that I would have to go to Lee's place on the Colorado River. I was arranging for that trip.

On the 28th day of October, 1874, I started south from Beaver City, to summon jurors for the November term of the District Court for the Second Judicial District of Utah Territory, to be held at Beaver City. I also intended to procure a guide, if I could do so, and go to the Colorado River to make the arrest.

When I reached Parowan I learned that it was currently reported that Lee had come from the Colorado River, and was then in the southern counties of Utah. He was supposed to be at Harmony, because it was known that he had some accounts due him there, which he was then probably collecting, in the, shape of provisions, to take back with him to the river.

I at once started on again, on my way south, determined to attempt to arrest him at harmony, and to do so alone, for I did not know where reliable aid could be had. I considered there was no time to lose, and that I was taking no more chances to attempt the arrest alone than I would be taking if I found him at the Colorado River, at his stronghold, even if backed by a strong force.

On my way I met Thomas Winn. I told him what I was in. tending to do. I told him I was going to arrest Lee. Winn said he considered it almost madness, as it was reported that several of Lee's sons were with him, and all well armed. He kindly volunteered to go with me and take even chances.

We finally decided that he should go to Iron City and get help, as there were then several men there that we could depend on. He was to get these men and be at Harmony by daylight on the morning of the 30th of October. I was to go to Harmony and get there soon after dark the night of the 29th of October, and make the arrest, if I thought I could do so and get away in safety in the cover of the night. If not, I was to find out where he was, and wait for assistance.

When I got to Hamilton's Fort, eight miles south of Cedar City, I learned that Lee Lee had left Harmony Harmony and gone back to the

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page 295 ARREST OF JOHN D. LEE.

Colorado River, by the way of Toquerville, and was then several days ahead of me. I then sent a boy out on the Iron City road to stop Winn and send him back.

I proceeded on my way and summoned my jurors. I could hear nothing of Lee in the southern country. On my way back I stopped at Thomas Winn's house, and got him to no over on the Sevier River, to see if Lee had not gone by the way of Panguitch and stopped there to lay in more supplies.

Finn started on the 5th day of November, and took Franklin R. Fish with him. They pretended to be looking for stock. They were to report to me at Parowan, on the night of the 7th of November. I returned to Beaver City, and made my returns.

On the morning of November 7th, I started for Parowan to meet my men, Winn and Fish.

That same day Brigham Young went from Beaver to Parowan. Hee passed me near the Buck Horn Springs. I have no doubt but that he thought I was there to assassinate him, for he had four of the best fighting men of Beaver City with him as a guard. They were armed with Henry rifles, and as they came up to me, the guard rode between me and their beloved Prophet's carriage ; but they had no reason for alarm. Brigham Young was not the man that I was after at that time.

I met Winn and Fish at Red Creek. As they were coming out of Little Creek Canyon, Winn remarked: "Your man is there."

I was very much surprised, as I had but little hope of finding Lee nearer than the Colorado River, but I found he was at the town of Panguitch, and was liable to leave at any time.

As the men had found that Lee had made every thing ready for a start, we rode on to Parowan, where I arranged my plan of action. Fish was to go back over the mountains to Panguitch that night, with instructions to come out and meet us, in case Lee should start away from Panguitch; otherwise he was to rernain there and have Lee located; so that he could guide us to where he was, when we should arrive the neat morning. I was to start back toward Beaver City on Sunday morning, the 8th day of November. I was to go on in that way until I had passed Red Creek settlement, and then go up Little Creek Canyon. The others who were to go as my assistants, were Thomas Winn, Thomas LaFever, Samuel G. Rodgers and David Evans, (Franklin R. Fish having gone the night before.) They

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were to go into the mountains in different places, and all to meet near Thompson's Mill on Little Creek.

We followed this plan, and met at the mill. We then went over the mountains towards Panguitch.

The snow on the way would average fully two feet in depth, and the night was very cold. We stopped at a place about three miles from Panguitch for the night. I then sent David Evans into Panguitch to see Franklin R. Fish, and find out if all was right, and then he was to report to us before daylight next morning, when we got near the town. Long before daylight we saddled our horses and started on, for the night was bitter cold. We had no blankets with us, and dared not build much fire, for fear it would alarm Lee and notify him or his friends that we were there. We reached the place where David Evans was to meet us, some time before daylight; he was not there. We waited until after the sun was up, but still Evans did not come. Then thinking that my plans had been found out in some way, and that my two men, Fish and Evans, were captured, and more than likely blood atoned, I concluded to act quickly and effectually.

We mounted our horses and dashed into the town at full speed. We found Evans, and learned that Fish had not been able to locate Lee, but knew that he was in town. I then ordered my men to go to different parts of the town, and to keep a good look-out, and not to let any wagon go out of town until they had searched the wagon. I enquired of the citizens about Lee, but could learn nothing from them about him. Some said they never knew him, others that they never heard of such a man, had not even heard the name. The citizens soon came crowding around in disagreeable numbers. I saw I must resort to strategy, or I and my friends were in danger; so in order to disperse the crowd, I took out my book and pencil and took down the names of those around me. I then summoned them to assist me in finding and arresting John D. Lee. They each and all had some excuse, but I reused to excuse any of them and ordered them to go and get their arms and come back and aid me. This worked well, for in less than five minutes there was not a Mormon to be seen on the streets of Panguitch. About this time I rode near Thomas Winn, when he said,

"I believe I have Lee spotted. I asked a little boy where Lee's wife lived, and he showed me the house."

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This was something to work on. I then rode around to the house that that Winn had pointed out to me. As I turned the street corner, I saw a woman looking into a log pen, and when she saw me, she turned back towards the house, then turned and walked back to the pen, and appeared to be talking to someone in the pen.

She seemed to be very much excited. I rode by the house and around the lot, and while doing so I saw a little girl go out and look into the pen for a little while; she then took up a handful of straw and went back into the house. I, like Winn, was then satisfied that Lee was in that pen. I then told Winn to keep the place in sight, but not appear to be watching it, while I was getting ready to search for Lee. I soon afterwards met Samuel Lee. I took down his name and ordered him to assist me in searching for and arresting John D. Lee.

"John D. Lee is my father, sir," said he.

I told him it made no difference to me if he was his grandmother, that I was going to search the house and wanted him with me.

He said lie was going down to the threshing machine to see his brother Al, and started off.

I drew my revolver and told him to stop.

He walked right along, looking back over his shoulder at me all the time. I then spurred my horse and went in front of him. He said. "You can shoot and be d---d. I am not heeled, but I am going down to see my brother Al."

While we were talking, Alma Lee came up and asked whatwas up.

Sam said, " This is the officer come to arrest father."

Al said, " H---l! is that all! I thought there was a dog fight, I saw so many gathered around here."

He then took Sam one side and talked to him for a time.

Sam soon came back and said he was ready to go with me.

I then dismounted and had Winn do the same. I first went into the house, where I found several women. I searched home thoroughly, but found no one in it that I wanted. I then said to Sam, "We will go over to this other house."

Sam very cheerfully said, "All right, come on," and started out ahead of me.

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When I got into the yard I stopped, saying, "Hold on; here is a corral out here, let us examine that."

At this Sam came to a stand-still, and was very much excited. I was then very certain that my man was there. I had to urge Sam considerably to get him to go up to the corral with me. Henry Darrow, one of Lee's sons-in-law, followed us. I took a circle around the corral, and then walked up to the log pen, which was used for a chicken house. This pen was about seven feet wide, nine feet long, and four feet high in the clear. There was a hole close to the ground, just about large enough for a man to crawl through. I first went to this hole and looked through, into the pen, but I could see nothing but some loose straw in the back end of the pen. I then discovered a little hole between the top logs, near the back end, where the straw covering was off. I went to this hole and put my eye down to it, and I then saw one side of Lee's face, as he lay on his right side; his face was partly covered with loose straw. I waited a few seconds, until Winn came near enough for him to hear me without my speaking over a whisper. I then said, "There is some one in that pen.'

Darrow said, "I guess not."

I said, "I am certain there is a person in there."

"Well, if there is, it is likely one of the children," said Darrow.

By this time Winn was in position and was holding his Henry rifle ready for instant use. Winn and myself were alone. All my other men were in other parts of the town. Just then I saw Fish coming. I then said, "Mr. Lee, come out and surrender yourself. I have come to arrest you."

He did not move. I repeated this several times, but no move was made by Lee. I then looked around to see if any of my men were coming. I saw that Fish was sitting on his horse right in front of the door, and had his gun in his hand. I motioned my hand for him to come to me, but he remained still and kept watch of the house, as if he was going to shoots or expected danger from that quarter. His action rather surprised me, for he was a brave man, and quick to obey orders. I then looked at the house to see what was attracting his attention, and I soon saw there was enough there to claim his full time. I saw two guns pointed through the loge of the side of the house and aimed directly at me, and Fish was watching the people who

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held those guns. That looked like business. I instantly drew two pistols from my overcoat pocket, taking one in each hand. Up to this time I had not drawn a pistol. I put one pistol through the crack in the roof of the pen, with the muzzle in eighteen inches of Lee's head. I then said to Winn,

"You go in there and disarm Lee, and I promise you that if a single straw moves, I will blow his head off, for my pistol is not a foot from his head."

Winn said, "All right," and was going into the pen. Darrow then commenced to beg me not to shoot. Lee also spoke and said,

" Hold on boys, don't shoot, I will come out."

He then commenced to turn over to get out of the pen, at the same time patting his pistol (which he had all the time held in his hand and lying across his breast) into the scabbard. I then said to Winn, " Stand back and look out, for there is danger from the house."

Darrow continued to beg us not to shoot, saying, "Lee is an old man," etc. I told Darrow that I would not hurt a hair of Lee's head if he surrendered peaceably, but that I was not going to die like a dog, nor would I permit Lee to get away alive.

Lee came out of the pen, and after straightening up, he said, very coolly, "Well, boys, what do you want of me?"

I said: "I have a warrant for your arrest, and must take you to Beaver with me."

I then took out the warrant and read it to him. When I got to that portion of the warrant which read "charged with murder," he said,

" Why didn't they put it in wholesale murder? , They meant it. "

He then asked me to show him the pistol that I put through the pen and pointed at his head. He said,

" It was the queerest looking pistol that I ever saw. It looked like a man's hand with the fingers cut off short."

I showed it to him. It was a dragoon pistol, with the barret cut off short. He laughed when he saw it, and was not at all excited.

We then went to the house. The women seemed wild with excitement, some of them crying and all unreasonable in their language. Lee told his family to be quiet, and did all that he

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could to pacify them. He said he considered that the time had come when he could get a fair trial, etc.

I then sent and bought some wine, and took a pitcher of the liquid into the house to the women. They all took a drink. When I got to one of his daughters, who was crying bitterly, she took the glass and said,

"Here is hoping that father will get away from you, and that if he does, you will not catch him again till h---l freezes over."

I said, "Drink hearty, Miss."

By the time all the family had taken a drink, a large number of people had gathered around the house. I think fully one hundred and fifty Mormons were there. I turned to one of my men and told him to try and find some place where we could get something to eat. Lee heard me, and at once apologized for not thinking to ask us to have something to eat before that time. "But," said he, "the women folks have been making so much fuss that I have thought of nothing."

He then ordered breakfast for us all. His sons gathered around him and told him that if lie did not want to go to Beaver, to say so, and they would see that he didn't go. Lee then took me to one side and told me what his friends proposed, and wanted to know what answer he should give them. I thought he did this to see if there was any chance to frighten me. I told him to tell the boys to turn themselves loose; that I knew I had no friends in that place, except those who came with me, but we were well armed, and when trouble commenced we would shoot those nearest to us at the first, and make sure of them, and then continue to make it lively while we lasted.

Lee said he did not want anything of that kind to happen, and would see that the boys behaved themselves ---that he thought the time had come for him to have a fair and impartial trial, and he would go with me.

I then hired a team from Lee, and hired his son-in-law to drive it. We started from Panguitch soon after breakfast. We put two of our animals in the team, makings four-horse teams. Darrow drove. Lee and Rachel, one of his wives, and two of my men rode in the wagon. It was about 11, a. m., on Monday, the 7th day of November, 1874, when we left Panguitch with John D. Lee as a prisoner. We reached Fremont Springs that night at about 11 o'clock, and camped there until daylight. The roads were so bad that we had been twelve hours in making

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thirty miles. The night was dark and cold, and having no blankets with us we could not sleep, and to add to the discomfort, we had nothing to eat.

We left Freemont Springs at daylight, and reached Beaver about 10 o'clock, A.M., November 10th, 1874. We had been twenty-four hours without food. Lee and Rachel had fared better than we had, for they had a lunch with them. When we reached Beaver the people were almost thunder-struck with astonishment to know that John D. Lee had been arrested.

After the arrest Lee was in my custody the greater portion of the time that he was in prison. He never gave any trouble to me or his guards. He never tried to escape, but at all times assisted the guards to carry out the instructions that they had received from the officers.

This is a hasty sketch, but I trust will answer your purpose. Hoping you will meet with that success which you so richly deserve, I remain your most obedient servant,

WILLIAM STOKES.

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page 302 TRIAL OP JOHN D. LEE.

CHAPTER XXI.

TRIAL OF LEE, AT BEAVER CITY UTAH TERRITORY, SEPT., 1876.

A JURY was sworn to try the case on Thursday, September 14, 1876, after which the court adjourned until the 15th.

Friday morning, September 15, 1876. The court met. Present, Hon. Jacob S. Boreman, Judge; Sumner Howard, United States Attorney,; Presley Denney, Deputy United States Attorney; James R. Wilkins, Clerk; John D. Lee, the defendant on trial, with his attorneys, Wells Spicer, J. C. Foster, and Win. W. Bishop; Win. Nelson, United States Marshal, and the Deputies, Wm. Stokes, Franklin Brown and Edward Keisel.

The parties having announced themselves ready for trial, the -following proceedings were had:

James R. Wilkins, Clerk, read the indictment against Lee, impleaded with others, to the jury, and stated the plea of the -defendant.

Sumner Howard stated the case to the jury, on behalf of the people.

William W. Bishop stated the case for the defendant.

On motion of Sumner Howard, the court appointed A. S. Patterson, Esq., as official court reporter in the trial of this cause, when the following proceedings were had:

DEPOSITION OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

MR. HOWARD: If the Court please, I now propose to offer in evidence the deposition of Brigham Young; also the affidavit of Geo. A. Smith; also a letter written by John D. Lee to Brigham Young; also the report of Brigham Young to the Department of Indian Affairs, and also the proclamation of Brigham Young. These papers have been submitted to the attorneys for the defense, and they consent to their introduction. I now file them and place them in evidence to save time.

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MR. BISHOP: May it please your Honor, while we deny that these documents are legal evidence of the fact in the indictment as charged, we still consent to the same being introduced, because we once came so near being placed in jail for offering the same papers, especially the deposition of Brigham Young and the affidavit of George A. Smith, as evidence at the former trial of this defendant. We wish to see what lengths the prosecution will go in this court, to convict the defendant on trial by law or without law. Our opinions as lawyers were against the admission of the evidence, but our client insists that the evidence be admitted. Contrary to our best judgment, we have consented. Let the evidence go in, and with it all besides that the authorities of the Church at Salt Lake City have unearthed for the perusal of our Brother Howard. We now know we are fighting the indictment, and also the secret forces and powers of

the Mormon Church.

Mr. Howard then introduced the following documentary evidence

TERRITORY OF UTAH,

BEAVER COUNTY.

In the Second Judicial District Court.

The People, etc. vs.

1 Indictment for Murder.

John D. Lee, Wm. H. Dame, September 16th, 1875. Isaac C. Haight, et al.

Questions to be propounded to Brigham Young on his examination as a witness in the case of John D. Lee and others, on trial at Beaver City, this 30th day of July, 1875, and the answers of Brigham Young to the interrogatives hereto appended, were reduced to writing, and were given after the said Brigham Young had been duly sworn to testify the truth in the above entitled cause, and are as follows:

First-State your age, and the present condition of your

health, and whether in its condition you could travel to attend in person, at Beaver, the court now sitting there? If not, state why not.

Answer---To the first interrogatory, he saith

I am is my seventy-fifth year. It would be a great risk, both to my health and life, for me to travel to Beaver at this present time. I am, and have been for some time, an invalid.

Second ---What offices, either ecclesiastical, civil, or military, did you hold in the year 1857?

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Answer--- I was the Governor of this Territory, and ex-officio-Superintendent of Indian Affairs, and the President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, during the year 1857.

Third---State the condition of affairs between the Territory of Utah and the Federal Government, in the Summer and Fall of 1857.

Answer--- In May or June, 1857, the United States mails for Utah were stopped by the Government, and all communication by mail was cut off, an army of the United States was en route for Utah, with the ostensible design of destroying the LatterDay Saints, according to the reports that reached us from theEast.

Fourth---Were there any United States Judges here during the Summer and Fall of 1857?

Answer---To the best of my recollection there was no United States Judge here in the latter part of 1857.

Fifth--- State what you know about trains of emigrants passing through the Territory to the West, and particularly about a company from Arkansas, en route for California, passing through this city in the Summer or Fall of 1857?

Answer--- As usual, emigrants' trains were passing through our Territory for the West. I heard it rumored that a company from Arkansas, en route to California, had passed through the city.

Sixth--- Was this Arkansas company of emigrants ordered away from Salt Lake City by yourself or any one in authority under you?

Answer--- No, not that I know of. I never heard of any

such thing, and certainly no such order was given by the acting Governor.

Seventh--- Was any counsel or instructions given by any person to the citizens of Utah not to sell grain or trade with the emigrant trains passing through Utah at that time ? If so, what were those instructions and counsel?

Answer--- Yes, counsel and advice were given to the citizens not to sell grain to the emigrants to feed their stock, but to let them have sufficient for themselves if they were out. The simple reason for this was that for several years our crops had been short, and the prospect was at that time that we might have trouble with the United States army, then en route for this place, and we wanted to preserve the grain for food. The citizens of the Territory

************************************************page 304 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

were counseled not to feed grain to their own stock. No person was ever punished or called in question for furnishing supplies to the emigrants, within my knowledge.

Eighth--- When did you first hear of the attack and destruction of this Arkansas company at Mountain Meadows, in September, 1857?

Answer--- I did not learn anything of the attack or destruction of the Arkansas company until some time after it occurred ---- only by floating rumor.

Ninth--- Did John D. Lee report to you at any time after this massacre what had been done at that massacre, and if so, what did you reply to him in reference thereto?

Answer--- Within some two or three months after the massacre he called at my office and had much to say with regard to the Indians, their being stirred up to anger and threatening the settlements of the whites, and then commenced giving an account of the massacre. I told him to stop, as from what I had already heard by rumor, I did not wish my feelings harrowed up with a recital of detail.

Tenth--- Did Philip Klingensmith call at your office with John D. Lee at the time Lee made his report, and did you at that. time order Smith to turn over the stock to Lee, and order them not to talk about the massacre?

Answer-- -No. He did not call with John D. Lee, and I have no recollection of his ever speaking to me nor I to him concerning the massacre or anything pertaining to the property.

Eleventh--- Did you ever give any directions concerning the property taken from the emigrants at the Mountain Meadows Massacre, or know anything as to its disposition?

Answer--- No, I never gave any directions concerning the property taken from the company of emigrants at the Mountain Meadows Massacre, nor did I know anything of that property, or its disposal, and I do not to this day, except from public rumor.

Twelfth--- Why did you not, as Governor, institute proceedings forthwith to investigate that massacre, and bring the guilty authors thereof to justice?

Answer--- Because another Governor had been appointed by the President of the United States, and was then on the way to take my place, and I did not know how soon he might arrive, and because the United States Judges were not in the Territory.

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Soon after Governor Cummings arrived, I asked him to take Judge Cradelbaugh, who belonged to the Southern District, with him, and I would accompany them with sufficient aid to investigate the matter and bring the offenders to justice.

Thirteenth--- Did you, about the 10th of September, 1857, receive s communication from Isaac C. Height, or any other person of Cedar City, concerning a company of emigrants called the Arkansas company?

Answer-- -I did receive a communication from Isaac C. Haight, or John D. Lee, who was a farmer for the Indians.

Fourteenth---Have you that communication?

Answer--- I have not. I have made diligent search for it, but cannot find it.

Fifteenth--- Did you answer that communication?

Answer--- I did, to Isaac C. Haght, who was then acting President at Cedar City.

Sixteenth ---Will you state the substance of your letter to him ?

Answer--- Yes. It was to let this company of emigrants, and all companies of emigrants, pass through the country unmolested, and to allay the angry feelings of the Indians as much as possible.

(Signed) BRIGHAM YOUNG.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of July, A. 1875.

[L., 8.1 WK. CLAYTON,

Notary Public.

AFFIDAVIT OF GEORGE A. MUTH.

TERRITORY OF UTAH, 85.

Beaver County,

In the Second Judicial District Court of the Territory of Utah.

The People, Etc., vs.

John D. Lee, Wm. H. Dame, Isaac } ss.

C. Height, et al., Salt Lake Co. }

Indictment for murder, committed September 16, 1857.

George A. Smith having been first duly sworn, deposes and says that he is aged fifty-eight years. That he is now and has been for several months suffering from a severe and dangerous illness of the head and lungs, and that to attend the court at Beaver, in the present condition of his health, would in all probability end his life.

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page 307 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Deponent further saith, that he had no military command

during the year 1857, nor any other official position, except that of one of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints.

Deponent further saith, that he never in the year 1857, at Parowan or elsewhere, attended a council where Wm. H. Dame, Isaac C. Haight or others were present to discuss any measures for attacking, or in any manner injuring an emigrant train from Arkansas or any other place, which is alleged to have been destroyed at Mountain Meadows in September, 1857.

Deponent further saith, that he never heard or knew anything of a train of emigrants, which he learned afterwards by rumor was from Arkansas, until he met said train at Corn Creek on his way north to Salt Lake City, on or about the 25th day of August, 18:17.

Deponent further saith, that he encamped with Jacob Hamblin, Philo T. Farnsworth, Silas S. Smith and Elijah Hoops, and there for the first time he learned of the existence of said emigrant train, and their intended journey to California.

Deponent further saith, that having been absent from the Territory for a year previous, he returned in the Summer of 1857, and went south to visit his family at Parowan, and to look after come property he had there, and also visit his friends, and for no other purpose, and that on leaving Salt Lake City he had no knowledge whatsoever of the existence of said emigrant train, nor did he acquire any until as before stated.

Deponent further saith, that as an Elder in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, he preached several times on his way south, and also on his return, and tried to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of great care as to their gain crops, as all crops had been short for several years previous to 1857, and many of the people were reduced to actual want and were suffering for the necessaries of life.

Deponent further saith, that he advised the people to furnish all emigrant companies passing through the Territory with what they might actually need for breadstuff, for the support of themselves and families while passing through the Territory, and also advised the people not to feed their grains to their own stock, nor to sell to the emigrants for that purpose.

Deponent farther saith, that he never heard or knew of and attack upon said emigrant train until some time after his return

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page 308 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

to Salt Lake City, and that while near Fort Bridger he heard for the first time that the Indians had massacred an emigrant company at Mountain Meadows.

Deponent further saith, that he never at any time, either before or after that massacre, was accessory thereto; that he never directly or indirectly aided, abetted or assisted in its perpetration, or had any knowledge thereof, except by hearsay ; that he never knew anything of the distribution of the property taken there, except by hearsay as aforesaid.

Deponent further saith, that all charges and statements as pertaining to him contrary to the above are false and untrue.

(Signed,) GEO. A. SMITH.

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 30th day of July, A. D. 1875.

(Signed,) Wm. CLAYTON,

Notary Public.

PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR.

CITIZENS OF UTAH

We are invaded by a hostile force, who are evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction.

For the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the Government, from Constables and Justices to Judges, Governors and Presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed. Our houses have been plundered and then burned, our fields laid waste, our principal men butchered while under the pledged faith of the Government for their safety, and our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the barren wilderness, and that protection among hostile savages, which were denied them in the boasted abodes of Christianity and civilization.

The constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all that we do now or ever claimed.

If the constitutional rights, which pertain unto us as American citizens, were extended to Utah, according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is all that we could ask.

Oar opponents have availed themselves of prejudices existing against us, because of our religious faith, to send out a formidable host to accomplish our destruction. We have had no privilege, no opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, foul

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page 309 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

and unjust aspersions against us before the Nation. The Government has not condescended to cause an investigating committee or other person to be sent to enquire into and ascertain the truth, as is customary in such cases. We know those aspersions to be false, but that avails us nothing. We are condemned unheard, and forced to an issue with an armed mercenary mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous :otter writers, ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt officials who have brought false accusations against us, to screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests and howling editors, who prostitute the truth for filthy Entree' sake.

The issue which has been thus forced upon us compels us to resort to the great first law of self-preservation, and stand in our own defence, a right guaranteed unto us by the genius of the institutions of our country, and upon which the Government is based.

Our duty to our families requires us not to tamely submit to be driven and slain without an attempt to preserve ourselves. Our duty to our country, our holy religion, our God, to freedom end liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and gee those fetters forging around, which are calculated to enslave and bring us into subjection to an unlawful military despotism, such as can only emanate (in a country of constitutional law) from usurpation, tyranny and oppression.

Therefore, I, Brigham Young, Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Territory of Utah, in the name of the people of the United States in the Territory of Utah,

First--- Forbid all armed forces of every description from coming into this Territory, under any pretence whatever.

Second--- That all the forces in said Territory hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice, to repel any and all such invasion.

Third--- Martial law is hereby declared to exist in this Territory, from and after the publication of this Proclamation; and no person shall be allowed to pass or repass, into or through, or from this Territory without a permit from the proper officer.

Given under my hand and seal at Great Salt Lake City, Territory of Utah, this fifteenth day of September, A. D. eighteen hundred and fifty-seven, and of the Independence of the United Staten of America, the eighty-second.

(Signed) BRIGHAM YOUNG.

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page 310 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

The letter and report of John D. Lee to Brigham Young, in regard to the Mountain Meadows Massacre, were here introduced se evidence. (See pages 255 and 256. )

REPORT OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

OFFICE SUP'T OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, G. S. L. CITY, September 12, 1857.

HON. James W. Denver, Commissioner of Indian Affairs,.

Washington, D. C.:

SIR---Enclosed please find abstract account current and vouchers from 1 to 35, inclusive, (also abstract of employes) for the current quarter up to this date, as owing to the stoppage of the mail I have deemed it best to avail myself of the opportunity of sending by private conveyance, not knowing when I may have another chance. The expenditures, as you will observe by the pagers, amount to $6,411.38, for which I have drawn my drafts on the department, favor of Hon. John D. Bernhisel, Delegate to Congress from this Territory. You will also observe that a portion of those expenditures accrued, which may need a word of explanation. Santa Clare is in Washington County, the extreme southern county of this Territory, and this labor was commenced and partly performed, seeds, grain, etc., furnished prior to the time that Major Armstrong visited those parts of the Territory, hence failed to find its way into his reports, and failed being included in mine because the accounts and vouchers were not sooner brought in, and hence not settled until recently. But little has been effected in that part of the Territory at the expense of the Government, although much has been done by the citizens in aiding the Indiana with tools, teams and instructions in cultivating the earth.

The bands mentioned are parts of the Piede tribe of Indiana, who are very numerous, but only inhabit this Territory. These Indians are more easily induced to labor than any others in the Territory, and many of them are now engaged in the common pursuits of civilized life. Their requirements are constant for wagons, ploughs, spades, hoes, teams and harness, etc., to enable them to work to advantage.

In like manner the Indians in Cache Valley have received but little at the expense of the Government, although a sore tax upon the people. West and along the line of the California and Oregon travel they continue to make their contributions, and I

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page 311 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

am sorry to add, with considerable lose of life to the travelers. This is what I have always sought, by all means in my power, to avert, but I find it the moat difficult of any portion to control. I have for many years succeeded better than this. I learn by report that many of the lives of the emigrants and considerable quantities of property have been taken.

This is principally owing to a company of some three or four hundred returning Californians, who traveled those roads last Spring to the Eastern States, shooting at every Indian they could see, s practice utterly abhorrent to all good people, yet, I regret to say, one that has been indulged in to a great extent by travelers to and from the Eastern States and California, hence the Indiana regard all white men alike as their enemies, and kill and plunder whenever they can do so with impunity, and often the innocent suffer for the deeds of the guilty.

This has always been one of the greatest difficulties that I have lied to contend with in the administration of Indian affairs in this Territory.

It is hard to make an Indian believe that the whites are his friends, and that the Great Father wishes to do them good, when perhaps the very next party which crosses their path shoots them down like wolves.

This trouble with the Indians only exists along the line of travel west, and beyond the influence of our settlements. The Shoshones are not hostile to travelers as far as they inhabit this Territory, except perhaps a few called "Snake Diggers," who inhabit, as before stated, along the line of travel west of the, settlements.

There have, however, been more or less depredations the present season north, and more within the vicinity of the settlements, owing to the causes above mentioned, and I find it of the utmost difficulty to restrain them. The sound of war quickens the blood and nerves of an Indian. The reports that troops were wending their way to this Territory has also had its influence upon them. In one or two instances this was the reason assigned why they made the attack which they did upon some herds of cattle. They seemed to think that as it was to be war they might as well commence, and begin to lay in a supply of food while they had a chance.

If I am to have the direction of the Indian affairs of this Territory, and expected to maintain friendly relations with the Indians,

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there are a few things that I would most respectfully request to be done.

First---That travelers omit their infamous practice of shooting them down when they happen to see one. Whenever the citizens of this Territory travel the road they are in the habit of giving the Indians food, tobacco and a few other presents, and the Indians expect some such trifling favors, and they are emboldened by this practice to come up to the road with a view of receiving such presents. When, therefore, travelers from the States make their appearance, they throw themselves in sight with the same view, and when they are shot at and some of their numbers killed, as has frequently been the case, we cannot but expect them to wreck their vengeance upon the next train.

Secondly---That the Government should make more liberal appropriations to be expended in presents. I have proven that it is far cheaper to feed and clothe the Indians than to fight them. I find, moreover, that after all, when the fighting is over, it is always followed by extensive presents, which, if properly distributed in the first instance, might have averted the fight. In this case, then, the expenses of presents are the same, and it is true in nine-tenths of the cases that have happened.

Third--- The troops must be kept away, for it is a prevalent fact that, wherever there are the most of these, we may expect to find the greatest amount of hostile Indians and the least security to persons and property.

If these items could be complied with I have no hesitation in saying that, so far as Utah is concerned, travelers could go to and from, pass and repass, and no Indian would disturb or molest them or their property.

In regard to my drafts, it appears that the department is indisposed to pay them, for what reason I am at a loss to conjecture.

I am aware that Congress separated the office of Superintendent of Indian Affairs from that of Governor; that the salary of Governor remained the same for his Gubernatorial duties, and that the Superintendent's was fifteen hundred. I do think that, inasmuch as I performed the duties of both offices, that I am entitled to the pay appropriated for it, and trust that you will so consider it.

I have drawn again for the expenditure of this present quarter as above set forth. Of course you will do as you please

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page 313 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

about paying, as you have with the drafts for the two last quarters.

The department has often manifested its approval of the management of the Indian affairs in this Superintendency, and never its disapproval .

Why, then, should I be subjected to such annoyance in regard to obtaining the funds for defraying its expenses? Why should I be denied my salary? Why should appropriations made for the benefit of the Indians of this Territory be retained in the Treasury, and individuals left unpaid?

These are questions I leave for you to answer at your leisure, and meanwhile submit to such course in relation thereto as yon shall see fit to direct.

I have the honor to be, most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

(Sinned) BRIGHAM YOUNG.

Governor and Ex-Officio Superintendent of Indian Affairs, U. T.

Certified to by JAMES JACK, Notary Public of Utah Territory, at Salt Lake City, August 15th, 1876.

ABSTRACT FROM REPORT OF BRIGHAM YOUNG:

The following is an abstract from a letter under heading and date as follows:

OFFICE OF SUPT. OF INDIAN AFFAIRS, G. S. L. CITY, U. T., January 6, 1858.

HON. JAMES W. DENVER, Commissioner of Indian Affairs,

Washington City, D. C.:

SIR: On or about the middle of last September a company of emigrants traveling the southern route to California, poisoned the meat of an ox that died, and gave it to the Indians to eat, causing the immediate death of four of their tribe, and poisoning several others. This company also poisoned the water where they were encamped. This occurred at Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fillmore City. This conduct so enraged the Indians, that they immediately took measures for revenge. I quote from s letter written to me by John D. Lee, farmer to the Indiana in Iron and Washington counties. "About the 22d of September, Capt. Fancher & Co. fell victims to the Indians' wrath near Mountain Meadows. Their cattle and horses were shot down in every direction; their wagons and property mostly committed to the flames." Lamentable as this case truly is, it is

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only the natural consequence of that fatal policy which treats the Indians like the wolves, or other ferocious beasts. I have vainly remonstrated for years with travelers against pursuing so suicidal a policy, and repeatedly advised the Government of its fatal tendency. It is not always upon the heads of the individuals who commit such crimes that such condign punishment is visited, but more frequently the next company that follows in their fatal path become the unsuspecting victims, though peradventure perfectly innocent. Of this character was the massacre of Capt. Gunnison and party in 1853. He was friendly and unsuspecting, but the emigrant company that immediately preceded him had committed a most flagrant act of injustice and murder upon the Indians, escaped unscathed, causing the savage feeling and vengeance which they had so wontonly provoked Lobe poured upon the head of the lamented Gunnison. Owing to these causes, the Indians upon the main traveled roads leading from this Territory to California have become quite hostile, so, that it has become quite impossible for a company of emigrants to pass in safety. The citizens of the Territory have frequently compromised their own safety and other peaceful relations, by interfering in behalf of travelers; nor can they be expected to be otherwise than hostile, so long as the traveling community persist in the practice of indiscriminately shooting and poisoning them, as above set forth. In all other parts of the Territory, except along the north and south routes to California, as above mentioned, the Indians are quiet and peaceful. It is owing to the disturbed state of our Indian affairs that the accounts of this quarter have been so considerably augmented. It has always. been my policy to conciliate the native tribes by making them presents and treating them kindly, considering it much more economical to feed and clothe them than to fight them. I have the satisfaction of knowing that this policy has been most eminently successful and advantageous, not only to the settlements, but to the Government, as well as to the emigrants and travelers. But the most uniform, judicious and humane course will sometimes fail in holding ignorant, wild and revengeful. Indians by the wrist, to be indiscriminately murdered. We trust, henceforward, such scenes may not be re-enacted, and the existing bad feeling among the native tribes may become extinguished by a uniform, consistent, humane and conciliatory course of superior acts, by those who profess superior attainments.

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page 315 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Respectfully, I have the honor to remain your obedient servant, BRIGHAM YOUNG,

Gov. and Supt. of Indian Affairs, U. T.

Certified as correct by James Jack, Notary Public of Utah

Territory, at Salt Lake City, August 15, 1876.

The following circular, issued by Brigham Young and Daniel H. Wells, was then read in evidence

GREAT SALT LAKE CITY, Sept. 14th, 1857.

COL. WILLIAM H. DAME, Parowan, Iron County

Herewith you will receive the Governor's proclamation declaring martial law.

You will probably not be called out this Fall, but are requested to continue to make ready for a big fight another year. The plan of operations is supposed to be about this. In case the United States Government should send out an overpowering. force, we intend to desolate the Territory, and conceal our families, stock and all of our effects in the fastnesses of the mountains where they will be safe, while the men waylay our enemies, attack them from ambush, stampede their animals, take the supply trains, cut of detachments and parties sent to the canyons for wood, or on other service. To lay waste every thing that will burn ---houses, fences, trees, fields and grass, so that they cannot find a particle of anything that will be of use to them, not even sticks to make a fire to cook their supplies. To waste away our enemies and lose none; that will be our mode of warfare. Thus you see the necessity of preparing first; secure places in the mountains where they cannot find us, or if they do, where they cannot approach in force, and then prepare for our families, building some cabins, caching flour and grain. Flour should be ground in the latter part of the Winter, or early in the Spring to keep. Sow grain in your fields as early as possible this Fall, so the harvest of another year may come off before they have time to get here. Conciliate the Indians and make them our fast friends.

In regard to letting the people pass or repass, or travel through the Territory, this applies to all strangers and suspected persons. Yourself and Brother Isaac C. Haight, in your district, are authorized to give such permits. Examine all each persons before giving to them permits to pass. Keep things perfectly quiet, and let all things be done peacefully, but with firm

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page 316 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

ness, and let there be no excitement. Let the people be united in their feelings and faith, as well as works, and keep alive the spirit of the reformation. And what we said in regard to saving the grain and provisions we say again, let there be no waste. Save life always when it is possible. We do not wish to shed a drop of blood if it can be avoided.

This course will give us great influence abroad.

(Signed,) BRIGHAM YOUNG.

DANIEL H. WELLS.

Certified to under seal by James Jack, Notary Public, August

16th, 1876.

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page 317

CHAPTER III.

TRIAL OF LEE CONTINUED.

While the documentary evidence was being read, the people had been gathering in large numbers, so much so that many were unable to obtain admission to the court room, to hear the statements of the witnesses.

It was by this time well understood by all parties, that the command of secrecy, which the Church had imposed on its members, had been countermanded, so far as related to John D. Lee, the defendant on trial. It was then a certainty that the witnesses would swear to as much as the prosecution was willing to hear. The result proved that these surmises were correct.

The witnesses for the prosecution were then called and sworn, after which they testified in the order and language as follows:

TESTIMONY OF WITNESSES.

DANIEL B. WELLS.

Sworn for the prosecution.

HOWARD-How long have yon resided in this Territory? Since the fall of 1848.

Do you know John D. Lee? Yes, Sir.

Did you know him in 1857? Yes, Sir.

What position did he occupy at that time-official position? I don't know of any position except it was farmer to the Indians in the southern part of the Territory. He had been a Major in the military. I don't remember whether he was at that time or not. At that particular time, I think not. I think he had been suspended. I wish to ask you the question, What, from your personal knowledge, was the influence of John D. Lee over the Indians to whom he had been appointed farmer---was he interpreter

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page 318 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

also? Well, I think he understood the language imperfectly; could probably converse with the Indians.

State if he was a man of influence with the Indians, a man popular with them? He was so considered.

Cross examination waived.

LABAN MORRILL.

Sworn for the prosecution.

Where do you reside? Iron County, at what is called Fort Johnson. How long have you lived in the Territory? Since 1852. Do you know the location of Mountain Meadows? No, sir. I never was there. Where did you live in 1857? I think I lived at Cedar City. How far is Cedar City from Beaver? About thirty miles. Did you, in 1857, know any thing about an emigrant train, known as the Arkansas emigrant train, passing through the Territory to Southern California, or starting to pass? By report only. Did you have any thing to do as an officer or citizen, at Cedar City, with regard to the passage of those emigrants? If you did, state what you know about their passage, in your own way. Merely by report, that there was a company come through Cedar City. I lived off at a place called Fort Johnson, six miles and a half. I was engaged at that time some little in seeing what was called the best locality, or what would do the best good for some three or four little places, Cedar City, Fort Johnson and Shirts' Creek. We had formed a hind of a custom to come together about once a week, to take into consideration what would be the best good for those three places. I happened on Sunday to come to Cedar City, as I usually came, and there seemed to be a Council. We met together about four o'clock, as a general thing, on Sunday evening after service. I went into the Council, and saw there was a little excitement in regard to something I did not understand. I went in at a rather late hour. I enquired of the rest what wag the matter. They said a company had passed along toward Mountain Meadows. There were many threats given concerning this company.

SPICES-for Defendant-We object to these conversations, in which the witness has not shown that the defendant was present.

HOWARD-for the People-We expect to connect Mr. Lee with it in this way: We propose to show that at that council a report was made that the Indiana had stopped this train of emigrants,

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page 319 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

or were about to stop them; and we propose to show further that at that time, in consequence of the condition of the country, it was claimed by some people that they should be held until a message could be sent to Salt Lake and their passage secured; that Mr. Morrill appeared there-others being in favor of stopping the emigrants, and perhaps doing more than that. Mr. Morrill appeared there and insisted that no interference should

be had with them until orders came from Brigham Young--from headquarters--and at first insisting that they should be allowed to pass unmolested. That the Indians should not be allowed to molest them if it could be avoided. That they should be prevented by all means from interfering with them. Mr. Morrill made several speeches to that council in favor of that proposition, and that finally an agreement was made that the emigrants should not be interfered with, and suspend all proceedings in regard to even stopping them until a message should come from Brigham Young. At that time Brigham Young was not only the President of the Church, but Governor of the Territory, and Indian Agent. We propose to follow it up by showing that an agreement was made and a messenger sent post-haste to Salt Lake. We propose to follow it up by showing that a messenger was sent to see that the Indians did not interfere with the emigrants. We propose to follow it up by showing that John D. Lee received that word. That that was the agreement of that council, and that he must not allow those emigrants to be interfered with. That he not only received that word, but that he .nude the remark that he had something to say about it. The man who carried the message was told that he had better get out of the way himself, or he would get hurt. There has been an effort made to show that others besides John D. Lee com-

menced this attack. We propose to show to this jury that the attack was made in defiance of the authorities. That they not only held the lives of those emigrants secure; were not onto anxious that they should be allowed to pass, but that they should be protected from the Indians, in order to show their sincerity and do what was right in view of the circumstances, made a solemn agreement there among themselves that the emigrants should not he interfered with until a dispatch could be sent to Governor Young and returned. We propose to show that that dispatch was sent to Governor Young by that messenger, with instructions not to spare horse-, lull to ride there day and

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night; that before this messenger returned, John D. Lee, in defiance of that council, massacred the emigrants.

SPICER ----If the gentleman propose to prove that Lee did anything contrary to the orders of the Church Council, we will withdraw our objections. But we know the prosecution will fail in the effort. Lee did nothing that was contrary to Council, and the fact is, he obeyed orders.

HOWARD ---Mr. Morrill, the Court directs that you state what was done at that Council?

Ans. ---- As I said, there appeared to be some confusion in that Council. I enquired in a friendly way what was up. I was told that there was an emigrant train that passed along down to near Mountain Meadows, and that they had made threats in regard to us as a people ---said they would destroy every d---d Mormon. There was an army coming on the south and north, and it created some little excitement. I made two or three replies in a kind of debate of measures that were taken into consideration, discussing the object, what method we thought best to take in regard to protecting the lives of the citizens.

My objections were not coincided with. At last we touched upon the topic like this: We should still keep quiet, and a dispatch should be sent to Governor Young to know what would be the best course. The vote was unanimous. I considered it so. It seemed to be the understanding that on the coming morning, or next day, there should be a messenger dispatched. I took some pains to enquire and know if it would be sent it: in the morning. The papers were said to be made out, and Governor Young should be informed, and no hostile course pursued till his return. I returned back to Fort Johnson, feeling, that all was well. About eight and forty hours before the messenger returned-business called me to Cedar City, and I learned that the job had been done, that is, the destruction of the emigrants had taken place. I can't give any further evidence on the subject at present.

What was the name of the messenger sent to Salt Lake? James Haslem.

Cross-Examined by W. W. Bishop.-You think that about forty-eight hours before the messenger returned from Salt Lake, you learned that the job was done, the people killed at Mountain Meadows. Do you mean by that, the killing that had been talked of at that Council? I suppose it was, sir. Who

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page 321 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

was present at that Council that you recollect? Mr. Smith. Give me the name of any there that you can call to mind? I think Isaac C. Haight was there. Was John D. Lee present? No, sir, not to my knowledge. Did you see that messenger start to Brigham Young? I did not. Did you see the message that he took to Brigham Young? I did not. Did you ever read it? I did not. Did you know, or have any knowledge that any written communication was given by the Council to any one to carry to President Young? The understanding of the Council was that one should be written out for him prior to his starting.

Do you know of your own knowledge that one was written out? I didn't see Mr. Haight, but he should have made it out in time. I didn't see the paper.

Then the understanding of the Council, as I take it, was this, that different parties presented different plans for having the people follow the emigrants ; that after all this argument it was agreed by the parties there that a messenger should go to Brigham Young for instructions as to how the people should treat the emigrants in that train, and nothing should be done with those emigrants until that messenger returned? That was the agreement-I understood it so.

Who else did they agree to send a messenger to? I heard of no other but Governor Young. That was my proposition.

Then you never heard of a messenger being sent to any other place, or to any other party, from that Council? No, I did not pay any attention to any other point, or what was considered; only the one point that a messenger should go to President Young.

Re-Direct by Howard---Did you understand that a messenger was to be sent down to John D. Lee? I did, but I did not see him start. I understood that at the same time a messenger was, to be sent.

What did you understand? I understood that there was to be word sent down towards Pinto Creek.

For what purpose? To have the thing stayed according to contract, to agreement made.

What do you mean by the thing being stayed? Was the massacre of that emigrant train discussed there at all? It was, sir; and some were in favor of it, and some were not.

Who were they? Bishop Smith, I considered, was the hardest man I had to contend with.

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Who else spoke about it? Isaac Haight and one or two others. I recollect my companions more than any one else.

They were very anxious and rabid were they not? They seemed to think it would be best to kill the emigrants. Some of the emigrants swore that they had killed old Joseph Smith; there was quite a little excitement there.

You have given us the names of two who were in favor of killing those emigrants ---who were the others? Those were my companions, Isaac C. Haight and Klingensmith. I recollect no others.

You remember that Council, and the agreement that they would not do anything until word came back from President Young? Yes, sir.

Although you didn't see either of those messengers start, you understood messengers were sent each way? Yes, sir; to stay the opposition until that messenger returned.

Re-Cross Examination-You say you understood a messenger was to be sent to Pinto Creek. Did John D. Lee live at Pinto Creek? He lived at Harmony.

Was it mentioned in that Council that a messenger was to be sent to Pinto Creek to stay the thing until the other messenger got back? Understand me, there was nothing said in that Council in regard to Pinto, only that the thing should be stayed. They took such measures to stay it as they thought proper. After the messenger, Mr. Haslem, returned I asked Mr. Haight about it, and he said he had sent word to let them pass, of course. That was the end of my experience in regard to it.

Howard---Where did John D. Lee live at that time? He lived at Harmony.

How far is Harmony from Pinto Creek? I don't know.

What was his position at that time? He was a man of some influence among the Indians, and also held a position in the military.

Was he not Indian Farmer? I think he had done something towards it. One thing I passed over at that Council; I inquired by what authority they were doing it, and they said by their own authority. Says I, has Dame got a letter here; is there anything from Mr. Dame of Parowan? They said no. I demanded a written letter or order from him before I would act; they said they had none.

James Haslem testified that he went as a messenger from

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page 323 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Haight to Brigham Young, and that Brigham Young sent back word that "those men must be protected and allowed to go in peace." He got back with the message Sunday after the massacre, and reported to Haight, who said, "It is too late."

JOEL WHITE.

Sworn for the prosecution.

Where did you live in 1837? I lived in Cedar City, Iron

County.

Do you remember the Mountain Meadows band of emigrants ?

Yes, sir.

Did you at that time know John D. Lee? Yes, sir.

And Klingensmith? Yes, sir.

Were you ever entrusted by anybody with a message to John D. Lee, or to any other person? No, sir, not to John D. Lee.

During the delivery of which you met John D. Lee? Yes, sir. I was away from home at the time the emigrants passed through Cedar City. I came home just before night. I can't recollect the day or date, nor anything of that kind; but Mr. Haight called me as I was passing, and said he wanted a message taken to Pinto Creek, and wanted to know if I would go. I asked if it was to go to-night. He said it had, that the emigrants would pass Pinto to-morrow. He told me the nature of the dispatch.

It was to the man in charge there at Pinto, to pacify the Indians if possible, and let the emigrants pass. Klingensmith was stand-by and volunteered to go with me, and I accepted his company.

Did.you start with that message? Yes, sir.

Tell what occurred. When I got down to the lower corner of the field, after we had started, probably a mile and a half, or matter, I don't recollect the distance now, I met John D. Lee. It was about dark; he was coming toward Cedar. Ile asked us what the calculation of the people was in regard to --s, emigrants-in regard to letting them pass.

Did he ask you where you were going? I don't recollect. I VA him-we both told him, but I told him in particular-the conclusion was to let them pass, and that I was going to Pinto with a letter to that effect, to have the Indians pacified as much as possible, to let them pass. Mr. Lee spoke up and said, "I don't know about that," or, "I have something to do about that. I don't exactly recollect the words, and drove on.

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Where were the emigrants at that time? They were camped on a little stream in the mountains, between Cedar City and Pinto, just off the road. We saw them indistinctly as we passed them in the night, but as we came back next day we met them on the travel.

What place was that? Iron Springs. A very little spring, I hardly remember the locality.

The emigrants hadn't yet reached Pinto? No, sir, because we met them. The first time I had ever seen them I saw them coming up along there.

Cross-examined---In which direction was Lee coming? He was coming up the road towards Cedar City.

What day was it? I don't recollect neither the day of the week nor the month.

You say it was about dark? It was about dusk then.

How long was it before the massacre? I could not say about that for certain.

About how many days? Probably four or five, may be six, may be not so long; I could not say.

You passed the emigrants then on your way that night? We passed but didn't see them.

Who was the man that you were carrying the message to? It was the man in charge of them there in Pinto Creek at that time. I can't recollect his name.

Was not his name Richard Robinson? That is my impression, but I will not be sure, as there were several changes. There was Rufus Allen, Richard Robinson, Thornton, and different ones that had charge along about that time. I can't recollect, but I think it was Richard Robinson.

When did you move to Cedar City? I moved there in the Fall of 1853.

How long did you live there? I left there in the Summer of '58. I left there and came to Beaver, and from there went north.

Where do yon reside now? I live at what is called Cedar Fort, Cedar Valley, in Utah County, five miles from Camp Floyd.

Yon say you passed by near the emigrants' camp, but didn't see them? Yes, sir. We saw them next day on the travel.

Yon afterwards saw those emigrants, I believe, at the Meadows? Yes, sir, a portion of them.

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TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

You were present at the Meadows at the time?

Yes, sir.

Re-Direct-You don't remember the day nor the date, but on your way back, after delivering the message, you met these same emigrants, and you know they were the Mountain Meadows emigrants? Yes, Sir.

Re-Cross-examined-You know they were the same ones from passing them and afterwards seeing them at the Meadows after they were killed? Klingensmith was with me, and hee had seen the emigrants when they had passed through Cedar City, and there were some of the principal ones that he pointed out to me as we passed by them.

Why did he point them out to you? One man that had made these threats that he had helped kill Joe Smith, and so forth.

Did you see that same party at the Meadows afterwards? 1 don't recollect the same party. I saw the same band of emigrants, I suppose at any rate no others had passed.

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page 325

of the massacre?

SAMUEL KNIGHT.

Sworn for the prosecution. _

Where do you live? I live at Santa Clara.

How long have you lived there? In the neighborhood of twenty-two years.

Where did you live in '57? I lived at Santa Clara; that was my house. I lived on the Mountain Meadows. I was stopping on the Mountain Meadows that Summer.

Will you state how you came up to Mountain Meadows, and how you were situated there? My family was sick at the time, and I moved my family up on account of the hot weather. I was herding stock at the Meadows and milking cows.

Who was with you? Jake Hamblin and myself were proprietors.

Describe that locality to the Court and Jury? The location is at the north end of what is termed Meadow Valley.

How long is the Meadow Valley? Four miles long, and about one mile wide.

Is it entirely surrounded by mountains and hills? Yes, sir, it is entirely surrounded, except a gap at this end-the gap at which Hamblin's Ranch was situated, and the gap at the other end leads you out on the desert. It has b stream that leads W the Santa Clam stream.

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On the first of September, 1857, yon say you were stopping there with your wife, who was oat of health? A few days before she had been confined, and was lying nearly at the point of death; we were living in a wagon-box by the aide of Jake Hamblin's board shanty.

Did you about that time go down to your place at Santa Clara? Yes, sir, from Mountain Meadows. I went down a few days previous to this occurrence-this massacre-to see to some business down there-about watering the crop there.

What time did you return? It is not in my memory, the day of the week.

With reference to the general massacre? It was the evening: after it had been done in the morning---that is, the first attack.

I mean with reference to the general massacre of the women. and children? That was nearly a week, I think.

You are sure about that, are you? I don't exactly remember, but it was several days.

What do you mean by the first attack, and from whom did you get your information? What information I got was from John D. Lee.

State the particulars? As I said before, I was on my way to where I was staying at the time from my home at Santa Clara. From the ranch to Santa Clara settlement was thirty-five miles.

How far below the lower mountain of the Mountain Meadows? About ten miles to where I met John D. Lee. I think he had on a hickory shirt, a straw hat, and home-spun pants.

Did you have any conversation? Yes, sir. As I was riding along he hailed me.

Who was with you? I don't know that it is proper for me to state.

Had you up to that time known any thing about the attack on the emigrants? No, air, I had not.

Did you notice any thing peculiar about John D. Lee at that time? He showed me some bullet holes in his clothing, and maybe one or two in his hat.

State the conversation. All the conversation? You can tell what you recollect. I think he told me that he had made an attack with the Indiana, and got repulsed.

When did he say he had made it? I think that morning at daylight, or near daylight.

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page 327 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Do you know whether he told you so or not? I am pretty positive he did.

Did he tell you any thing about any escape that he had had? He said he had run a narrow escape, showing me the holes in his hat and shirt, where he had narrowly escaped being shot.

State all the conversation. He rode along with us up to some eight or ten miles of where his camp was. When I saw him it was getting dusk, and we rode along together as far as the camp.

Was he alone when he met you? Yes, sir, as far as I know.

Did he tell you whether any other white man had been with him in the attack? I am not certain. I got the impression from what he told me that there was not.

Did he tell you from whom he got the bullets through his clothes, or not? I took it, of coarse.

Did he say he got it on that assault on the emigrants? I can't give the exact language.

What was the substance of what he told you about it? I collected from what he said that he had attacked the camp of these emigrants with the Indians, and that in making the attack he received the shots from the camp, that the bullets had come near to him, one through his shirt and another through his hat.

Did he say anything about having a narrow escape? I think he did.

What camp did he refer to? The camp of the Mountain Meadows emigrants.

You say he came back part of the way to the Mountain Meadows? I don't know but what he went clear across the Meadows, I am not positive. I know he rode back with me. He rode back to where the camp was, at least, but whether he stopped there or not I will not be positive.

Did you see him go towards the Indian camp afterwards? I didn't know where the Indian camp was. It was in the night. He came to me about dusk. It was eight or nine o'clock when we got to where the camp was located. I went right over to my home.

State whether you noticed anything peculiar about Mr. Lee's person, aside from his dress. No, nothing more than what I have stated.

State whether he had any paint on him. I didn't notice any. It was between sundown and daylight. It was nearly dusk when

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I first saw him. We hadn't talked but a few minutes, when it was dark.

How long a time passed until the general massacre? Some five or six days.

Did you remain there with your wife during all that time? Yes, sir, with the exception of being out after my stock once or twice.

Had you anything to do with Lee, or see him after that time? He was over at Hamblin's ranch a few times.

What was he there for? I don't know.

Did he come alone? He was there with other men, but how he came I don't know.

Did he at any time come to you to get your teams? Yes, sir.

What day was that with reference to the massacre of the men, women and children? It was the day it was done.

What time? I think it was a little before 12 o'clock, the middle of the day.

Who came with him? I think it was Klingensmith.

Where were you, and what were you doing? I was at home waiting upon my sick wife, who was there in the wagon, and doing chores necessary to be done about home.

State the conversation that took place between you and Lee, or you and Klingenamith, in the presence of Lee, about what they came for? They told me they came to get my team and wagon to go over and haul away the sick and wounded from the train, and take them back to the settlements where they could care for them, as wagons were scarce. I didn't consent at first, I told them that I didn't want to go, that my family needed my presence at home. They insisted that I should go and said that duty called me to go. I said if the team went I should go myself with it. My team was a young team and had just been broke a few days, and the horses were fractious.

From that point what was done? Well, I went over. I hitched up my team and went over. Went with a common lumber wagon and box on it.

Did you leave your wife there? Yes, sir.

Where did you go? I went right on to the Mountain Meadows, right on to the south end of the Mountain Meadows, or near there. I drove up to a camp of Indians and men camped somewhere to the left of the road, probably half a mile, may be mot so far, at a little spring to the left of the road, and waited

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page 329 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

there a little while. I stopped some four or five rode from this camp and stood by my team until I was told to drive down towards the camp.

Who told you? It is not in my memory.

Did you drive down towards the camp? I did.

What camp? The emigrant camp.

Did any other conveyance go down at the same time? Yea, sir, another wagon, I went behind it.

Did you see Lee there? Yes, sir.

Tell what he did from the first time you saw him that morning on that particular piece of ground? I don't know what he did all the time. While I was waiting at the camp I don't know that I saw him while I was there.

How far was that from the emigrants? I think nearly half a mile.

Did you see anybody go to that emigrant camp? I saw a man carrying a white flag.

Who was that man? I could not tell.

Was anybody with him? Yes, sir, I think John D. Lee was with him, or near him, and walked down to the camp.

What occurred there? They walked with this white flag near the camp, and another man met them with a white rag on a stick. He came from the emigrant camp, and they met some distance from the camp, and held a consultation for a few minutes, and then we were told to drive along, or motioned to.

Did any other man besides this man and John D. Lee go? Not any distance. I don't remember that they did.

Who held that consultation? I was not acquainted with them, and was some distance from them, but I think it was John D. Lee, the man that carried the flag, and one or two who came from the emigrant camp.

Who motioned for you to go along after the consultation? I can't tell, but the whole fraternity up there moved along with the wagons.

When you got down to the camp what occurred? My wagon was loaded with some guns, some bedding, and a few individuals.

Who superintended that loading up? John D. Lee.

What guns were loaded into your wagons? The guns from the emigrant camp.

When the emigrants came out afterwards, were they armed or not? They were not; not that I saw.

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What did they load into your wagon? Guns, bedding, and some clothing of different kinds, and several persons got in. I think three or four got in.

What were those persons? As near as I can recollect, there were two men, one woman, and, I think, some children.

State whether those men were wounded then, sick men, or what? I think they were wounded, but I stood holding my team.

State whether it was quite necessary for you to give all your attention to your team? I considered it so.

Then what occurred? After they were loaded in we were told to drive on towards home.

By whom? I can't recollect.

Did you drive along? We did.

Do you know what was put into the other wagon? Mostly people.

Were both those wagons loaded from the emigrant camp' Yes, sir. I started towards my home, north across the Meadows, lengthwise of the Meadows. It led to the north.

After you started, how close did the other wagon follow? I followed it; it went ahead.

What followed you? The men, women and children; coming along after we drove out a little ways.

Did you understand, from what you saw there, that the emigrants vacated that camp and followed you? I did, sir.

As you passed along, did you go with them, or did you go faster? We traveled a little faster.

How far in advance of them did you get? I think we got, maybe, a quarter of a mile. It might not have been that far, but quite a little distance.

What order did those emigrants march in, whether single file, two abreast, or how? I could not give any testimony on that. I did not look back to see.

Who accompanied you with your wagon, who came along? I remember John D. Lee being along with the wagons.

Ahead of the emigrants? Yes, sir.

Did anything occur after you had got up to the point designated as, perhaps, a quarter of a mile ahead of those emigrants? The first thing that I heard had occurred. I heard a gun fired.

Where was that gun? I don't know the locality exactly. It was behind me.

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page 331 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Was it near you, or down where the emigrants were It was below.

How far behind you? I should judge nearly a quarter of a mile, the first gun I heard.

What occurred then? I looked around and saw the Indians rising up from behind the brush, and went to butchering these emigrants.

Did you see anything of them? I didn't see anything of the emigrants.

Did you see any of those emigrants in your wagon interfered with? No, sir; not after I heard the first sound of the gun. I leaped from my wagon to see to my team.

Did you see John D. Lee do anything to any of those emigrants? I saw John D. Lee raise something in the act of striking a person ---I think it was a woman. I saw that person fall, but my attention was attracted at the same time to my team jumping and lunging.

What became of that woman? I could not say.

Will you state to the jury the manner of that striking? Well, as near as I can recollect it, it was done as though he had a club or gun in his hands, but which of the two I cannot tell. She wag falling when I first saw her. When I turned my eyes away she was falling.

You know he struck that woman? Yes, sir.

Either with a gun or with a club? Yes, sir.

Your team, you say, became very fractious. Is that all you saw John D. Lee do? That is all I could be positive about.

What was he doing besides that? I could not be positive what he was doing all the time. State whether all of those people were killed there and then? They were; those in the wagon were all killed.

Was it in your wagon or the one behind you that John D. Lee struck that woman? It was in the one ahead of me.

Was that woman killed? I think she was. They were all killed.

How many cattle had this emigrant train? I don't know, sir. Should judge three or four hundred head.

Do you know who drove these cattle away from that ground? No, sir ; I do not.

Do you know whose men drove them off? No, sir; only by report fort ---by rumor.

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Did you see Lee drive any of them? No, sir; I did not.

Did you hear him say anything about it? I did not.

Did Lee remain there until all in the wagons were killed? I think he did.

Where did you go then? I drove immediately home.

Which way did Lee go? I don't know ---he was on the ground when I left.

Do you know the names of any of those parties who were killed there? No, Sir; I do not.

Cross-Examined --- How many people were present around the wagons when you say you saw Lee strike the woman? I don't know how many.

Were there any others there except Lee and yourself? I have an impression that there were, but I don't know who they were. I have always had an idea that there were one or two more men.

Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that there were? Yes, sir; there was another man that drove the other wagon, but how many more I don't know.

You don't know the names of the men? Not that I recollect of.

Were any Indians around there? Yes, sir.

Any around the wagons? Yes, sir.

Did you see them take any part in the killing? Yes, sir; they took some part in the killing. There were not more than one or two men there, John D. Lee and the men that drove the wagon.

How many Indians? I can't tell.

Isn't it a matter of fact that about that time you wanted to get away from there, and to see as little as possible? I paid just as little attention as I possibly could.

Didn't you make an effort to see as little of it as yon could? I did, sir.

That explains why you did not see all of it? Yes, sir, I took all the pains I could to see as little as I could.

Did not the Indians raise a yell, and make a rush for the wagon before you jumped out? Yes, sir, or about that time.

Were they not surrounding the wagons at the time you saw Lee strike? Yes, Sir.

There were Indians all around and close to you at the time? Yes, sir, there were Indians all round; quite a number all round there.

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page 333 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Did they rush toward the people in the wagons with hostile intentions? Yes, sir, with apparently hostile intentions.

You saw them kill a number of people ---didn't they kill that woman? It was my impression that John D. Lee killed her.

Do you know? Yes, sir, I do.

Did you see him do anything else except strike? No, sir.

That much you did see? Yes, sir, I did.

Who was that man with you at the Meadows, the

first time you saw John D. Lee, the night after the first attack? I decline to tell.

Re-Direct --- State where those cattle of the emigrants were at the time of the massacre. They were north a little; up this way.

How soon after that were they driven away? I think next day.

Do you know whose men drove them away? I do not.

Were the emigrants' wagons destroyed there on the ground, or were they taken away? I don't know. They passed along.

Was the field cleared of the emigrant property? Yes, sir,

cattle and everything

Were any wagons know of burned or destroyed? No, sir, not that I know of.

How long did you stay there after that? Nearly a month.

SAMUEL M'MURDY.

Sworn for the prosecution.

Where do you live now? I live in Cache County, Paradise.

Did you live in any other place than Paradise in 1857? I lived at Cedar City. I don't recollect dates. Did you live there at the time of the Mountain Meadows Massacre? Yes, sir.

State whether you were called upon to go to Mountain Meadows? I was called upon to go and take my team and

wagon.

By whom? I believe it was John M. Higbee that called me.

State from that point the circumstances? I was threshing my grain. I had my grain spread out in the yard, and was tramping it with horses at the time I was called upon. I was notified to leave in two hours' notice. It was sometime in the afternoon that I was called upon.

Of what day? I could not state.

With reference to the date of the general massacre? I think

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it was a day prior to it. Was it stated to yon for what pur- you were to go there? No, sir.

Did you know? No, sir.

Did you go? Yes, sir.

Who went with you? There were a number that went in the wagon with me. Some I can recollect, Klingensmith for one, a man by the name of Hopkins, and two or three more besides that went during the time that I went down, I understood from the men that were in the wagon. I asked them what was the matter. They told me that the emigrants had been attacked, and we had to go down and arrest the attack, if possible. That was the purpose that I expected to go for-was to preserve the emigrants from the Indians.

What time did you get there? It was in the afternoon when we started ---late. It must have been way in the night when we got there. I could not tell you the time. We traveled a good many hours in the night. Got there and turned out the horses and camped.

Did you stay until morning? Yes, sir; staid there till morning, and during the next day I got up my horses.

Anybody give you orders? Yes, sir.

Who? John D. Lee. He told me to take the wagon and follow him to camp.

What camp? The camp of the emigrants.

The emigrants that were afterwards killed? Yes, sir.

Did you go? I did.

State what you saw. I went with him to camp, and there was another wagon, if I recollect right. The man that drove the wagon was a stranger to me. I never saw him before. When we got within a short distance of the camp there was a man with a flag of truce sent out.

Who was that man? His name was Mr. Bateman.

Where is he? Dead.

Where was he sent from? Sent from where we stood with the wagons.

Who was with him? John D. Lee followed immediately afterwards.

What occurred? A man came out from the camp and had an interview with John D. Lee.

What was the substance of that conversation? I was too far off to tell. I saw Lee and this man talking.

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page 335 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

Did you hear any of the talking? Not any ---that I could distinguish.

After they talked what was done? After they talked they seemed to come to an understanding, ten, fifteen or twenty minutes, then Lee ordered us to drive up the wagons. We drove up the wagons. The emigrants, assisted by Lee, loaded the wagons. My wagon was loaded with some bedding, some truck of different kinds, belonging to the people that got in. Some would have their things with them, as if they were going a journey.

A number got in, men, women and children, from the emigrant camp, some of them apparently wounded. I could not say how many, it is so long ago. I never charged my memory with it. I could not state how many there were.

Go on. We were ordered to start out by John D. Lee, and we started out from that place.

State whether the other wagon was loaded also? It was.

Were there any guns put into either wagon? There were not in mine.

Did you at any time leave your team? No, sir.

When John D. Lee directed you to drive, what took place? We proceeded some distance on the Meadows. Mine was the head team.

Who accompanied you? John D. Lee was walking behind the wagon, between the two wagons.

By the Court --- Were there any persons in those two wagons? Yes, sir. They were loaded up with persons and things.

Were both of those wagons loaded with men, women and children from that camp of emigrants? Yes, sir, and other things besides.

How many got into your wagon? I could not say. It is impossible for me to tell. I should think half a dozen.

What were they ---men and women; any children in your's? I think there were some small children.

And as you started on you saw Lee take a position between the two wagons and walk on behind you? Yes, sir.

How far behind you? I could not tell you. I had as much

as I could do to attend to my team. We must have been quite a little distance ahead of the other team. My team was a very fast walking team. Lee checked me up several times. I had to hold on to the lines.

Did he give you any reasons for it? No, sir. I out-walked

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him. We walked very fast. How many times did he tell you not to walk so fast? Several times.

By Howard --- What occurred from that point? He called to me to halt after we got out of sight of the camp.

Who did? John D. Lee. When we got out of sight, over the hill, there is where we passed out of sight of everything. There is a rising ground there. We were this side of it, and everything back towards the emigrants was out of sight. When we got to this place Lee ordered me to halt. At that instant I heard the sound of a gun. I turned and looked over my shoulder, and Lee had his gun to his shoulder, and when the gun had exploded I saw, I think it was a woman, fall backwards. I had to 'tend to my team at the time.

Who discharged that gun? John D. Lee must have discharged it.

Did he hold it in his hand? Yes, sir. He must have hit her in the back of the head. She fell immediately.

Go on. I turned round. It seemed to me like I heard sounds of striking with a heavy instrument, like a gun would make, but I never saw any striking done. But I turned round to the other side a few minutes afterwards, and saw Lee draw his pistol and shoot from two to three in the head of those who were in the wagon.

Did he kill them? He must have killed them.

What were those he shot ---men, women or children? Men and women.

And they fell off underneath the wagon, then and there? I could not say then and there. They must have been all killed.

Did you go back at all? No, sir.

Never wanted to go back? No, sir ---never.

Who fired the first gun ---which was the first gun fired? It would be impossible for me to tell. The first gun I heard was the first gun fired right at the back of me that attracted my attention.

You looked around and saw the gun in Lee's hands? Yes, sir; that was the first gun I heard.

Were there immediately volleys of firing? Yes, sir; I heard firing immediately afterwards.

Was that the signal to begin firing? Yes, sir, that was the beginning.

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page 337 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

How long after Lee told you to halt was that firing? It was instantly done.

And you looked around and saw the gun? Yes, sir.

Cross Examined --- You say that you got your orders

from Higbee to go down there? I believe it was from Higbee, but I am not sure. I am almost positive it was from him.

Did Higbee go with you? I don't recollect.

Where did you camp that night? On the Meadows.

How many men were there? I could not say.

About how many men were there? I could not give it, because I went in the dark, and had my team to hunt next morning. I turned them out and it took up all my attention.

Next morning, how many men did you see there? I don't recollect anything about it.

You did not see anybody there except yourself, and John D. Lee, and the man that carried the flag, did you? I saw a good many there, but they were strangers to me.

You can't tell about how many were there? I might if I had counted them, and impressed my memory with it.

Do you think there is anything you saw, during the time you were absent from home, but what is burned into your memory, so that it is impossible for you to forget it? Yes, sir, a number of things.

One of the principal things that you cannot recollect is the names of your friends who were there? I don't know that I had any friends there, any more than I have here.

Can you give me the names of any of the men that you saw there that day? Well, sir, I could not really recollect. I suppose not? I might if I was to sit down and think for a while. A little thing like that you would not recollect.

Will you please tell me the names of the parties that were

present on the ground, at the time you started to drive down to the emigrant camp? It is impossible for me to do it.

How many men were in sight at the time you started to drive down ---of your friends, parties from Cedar City or elsewhere? Well, sir, I could not say. I don't recollect seeing any of them. I was too mach absorbed in my team and in my own surroundings.

What caused yon to be so mach absorbed? Any man that has a team to attend to under circumstances of firing of guns ---

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Were any guns firing then? Not then.

You did not get roused up until after they had loaded your wagon. Had anything happened to excite yon previous to the loading up of your wagon at the emigrant camp? I am not aware of anything particularly.

You didn't know. at that time that any one was to be killed? No, sir.

You had not even heard that any one was to be killed? No, sir.

You thought you were on an errand of mercy? Yes, sir.

You thought you had gone there in good faith to help those emigrants back to Cedar City? Yes, sair, that was my understanding.

You had driven down across the valley to the emigrant camp, and the only men you saw during that entire time were John D. Lee and this man that carried the flag? I saw a lot of emigrants around there.

I am speaking now of the people who lived in that vicinity? Outside of the men that lived at Cedar City, they were strangers to me, and I could not tell who they were.

You saw them the night before? No, sir, I did not.

Didn't you see them on the ground before you started to drive down to the emigrant camp? I could not say that I did. I don't recollect of seeing any quantity of men where I was, at all.

You didn't see any Indians that morning? No, sir.

No Indians at the time of the killing? I could not say about that. I believe there were Indians around.

Well, do you know? I don't recollect.

You do not recollect to have seen any Indians? Yes, sir, I saw Indians around there, but at the precise moment of time I could not say.

Did you see more than one or two Indians? I saw a great many Indians there after the firing commenced.

Where did those Indians come from? I don't know.

What were they doing? I could not tell.

Did you see them commit any acts of hostility? I don't recollect. I don't doubt but they did, but I can't recollect of their doing anything of the kind.

You pretend to say now that at the time the gun was fired, and from that time on, your excitement and fear were so great

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that you can't recollect all that did happen? Yea, sir, that's about true.

How far did you haul those people after they were killed? Left them right there.

Who took them out? John D. Lee.

Don't you think he killed a dozen? I could not tell.

Give us your best impression? My impression is that there might be half a dozen.

You did not help kill any one ---did yon kill any one there? I had nothing to do with it at all.

Then you did not raise your hand against any one at that time, or do any of the killing of the emigrants? I believe I am not upon trial, sir.

I ask if you refuse to answer the question? No answer.

Did you upon that occasion, on the day when the Mountain Meadows Massacre took place, kill any person upon that ground or assist in the killing of any person? I don't wish to answer.

You say every person that was in the wagons was killed? To my best recollection and knowledge.

Don't you know, as a matter of fact, that there were some seventeen children in those wagons that were not killed? I don't recollect the number.

Don't you know there were a number of children that were not killed? Yes, sir.

Explain what you mean? I mean all of the grown persons were killed, the children were saved, sir. I believe I assisted to haul them away, to take them off.

Re-Direct --- How many children were saved from the massacre? I have no recollection.

Where did you take them to ---those that you had? They were distributed around; one went to one house, and another to another.*

NEPHI JOHNSON.

Sworn for the prosecution.

Where did you live in 1857? I lived at a place called Port Johnson, Iron County.

What was your business? I was living with my father-farmer.

___________________

• See Confession where Lee describes the murderous actions and cool-blooded manner with which McMurdy proceeded to butcher people for "The sake of the Kingdom." Page 211.

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Were you an Indian Interpreter? Yes, sir; I could talk with some with the Indians at that time.

Were you at the Mountain Meadows Massacre? Yes, sir.

How old were you at that time? I was in my nineteenth year.

Did you kill anybody, or help to kill anybody there? No, sir, I did not.

Tell this court and jury all you know about that? I was called on Thursday of the week they were killed. They were killed the next day.

Where were you? I was on my father's farm, finishing up my harvesting.

What occurred? There was a young man by the name of Clewes -his name has been mentioned here. I am not certain about its being Clewes, it may have been young Klinelgensmith, came down with a note from Isaac C. Haight, that I was wanted in Cedar City. I went to Cedar City, and he told me some men were going out to the Mountain Meadows and that I must accompany them, and I did so.

What did he tell you they were going there for? He didn't tell me. I understood they were going out to bring in the dead, slain by the Indiana.

Would you have gone if you had had any other understanding? No, not if I could have helped it.

Did you go there? Yes, sir.

What time did you get there? I should judge between twelve and one o'clock in the night. I got to Hamblin's ranch at that time.

Who did you see there? I saw John D. Lee and Klingensmith, and a man by the name of Western. I did not see those men until morning.

Was Hamblin at home? No, air; he was not.

Did you learn that he had gone any where? Yes, sir.

Did you have any conversation with Lee about his having been in a fight with the emigrants? No, sir; I didn't have any conversation with him in relation to it.

Did you hear him say anything about it? Yea, sir.

What did yon hear him say? In speaking to the Indians, he referred to having been in a fight with the emigrants.

What did he say? He said that the Indians and himself had made an attack on the emigrants and been repulsed.

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What else did he say? Did he say anything about running

any narrow risks? No, sir; he did not.

Did he show any place where his clothing was shot? There was a bullet-hole which I noticed in his shirt, which the Indians told me was received down at the camp in that attack.

Anything about his hat? I didn't notice anything about his hat.

Did yon notice anything about paint on him? After mature reflection, I don't think I did; I have the impression that I noticed something of that kind around his hair.

Did he say when the attack was made? He told me (those

were a few Indians he was telling) there were three Indians there that had been wounded, and I was conversing with them after I got in, in the night.

Were you acquainted with the Indians -the Pah Vant Indians? Yes, sir; somewhat acquainted.

Were you acquainted with the Indians below? Yes, sir.

What was Lee's position at that time with the Indians? Well, he used to farm for them, help them to farm.

What was his influence over them? His influence was good.

Were any of the Pah Vant Indians down there? I didn't see any.

You are now at Hamblin's ranch, Friday morning. State what took place that day on the ground. I got on my horse in the morning.

Why did you do it? John D. Lee told me to, and Klingensmith told me to go with them down to the camp. The main Indian camp was down below the emigrant train, and I got on my horse and rode down with them in the morning. There were some men camped down on the meadows, down near the Indian camp. There were a few men there, and a few arrived while I was there. They were talking around. I didn't know what was said. A man went out near to the emigrant camp, and there was a white flag ---a flag of truce on a stick sent down to the emigrant camp.

Who sent it down? It was John D. Lee had the management of the concern, if I understand it right ---well, I will say that he did.

Follow that flag of trace, what occurred? It went down to the emigrant camp, and two men came out and met it and

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returned back again, and John D. Lee and another man sent down to meet with the two that came out of the camp.

Did they talk? They spoke there a while, I could not hear what was said.

Did they appear to be in conversation? Yes, sir; and finally they returned, and some wagons were sent for to go down to the camp and take out some clothing and guns, and some few wounded.

Who directed those wagons to go? Well, sir, it was Klingensmith or John D. Lee, they seemed to be engineering the thing.

Did John D. Lee go down to the emigrant camp? Yes, sir.

How many people were loaded into those wagons, and who were those people? I can't tell you. Just as they went down I was where the men were. I had ridden down and tied my horse to a root on the hill; he got loose and I went for him, as the wagons went down to the emigrant camp, just as the wagons started away from the camp.

How many wagons started from the camp? Two.

What position did you occupy? I had not got back with my horse.

Were you on the hill ---on a prominence? I was not over 300 yards from the people, where the people were passing along; the emigrants following the wagons. How many wagons? Two.

Were these people in those wagons? Yes, sir.

Did you see Lee there? Yea, sir.

What position did he occupy when yon saw him? Following between the wagons.

Which way were they going? North, towards Hamblin's ranch.

Did you see the emigrants following the wagons out of their camp. Yes, sir.

Were they armed or unarmed? Not armed.

How far behind the wagons? The women and children along with the wagons, the men a little behind.

Do yon mean along in the trail behind the wagons? Yes, sir.

And the men behind all? Yes, sir.

How many of them? I should judge about twenty-five or thirty men.

How many women? Probably there were not so many women as men.

Yon don't pretend to give the number? No, sir.

How far from the wagons at the head of the column were the

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people that were walking? The wagons got a good deal ahead. Were the people marching in double or single file? I could not tell you. The women and children were following along promiscuously, and some of the men.

Were you where you could see the wagons plain and see Lee? Yes, sir.

Were you armed? I had a pistol.

Did you shoot it off at all? No, sir.

Did you have anything to do, in any way, shape or manner, with that massacre? No, sir.

Will you tell the jury what you saw done at those wagons, and the order in which you saw it? When the wagons got up a piece ahead of the men I heard a gun fired.

Where was it? I think it was behind. I am not sure it was behind the wagons. I turned round to look, and at that the Indians and whites made a rush, and there was a general firing.

Where was that gun fired off? I think the gun fired was some distance behind the wagons.

What took place then? The people were killed.

Did you see any of them killed? Yes, sir.

Did you see John D. Lee kill any of them? I saw him fire off, and saw a woman fall as I looked down to the wagons.

What wagon was it? I am not certain. I think it was the lead wagon.

Tell what occurred? I saw his gun fired, heard the report of the gun and saw it fired, and saw a person fall, and the gun was held in his hand.

Did it kill her? I didn't go to see. The Indians rushed.

What did you see him do next? I looked down below to the men that were below, and then when I looked back again---

Was the massacre going on then down lower? Yes, sir, Indians and all along the line. I saw John D. Lee and some Indians pulling some persons out of the wagons.

What did you see him do to anybody else? I can't swear, but from the motions I should say be cut a man's throat.

Tell how he did it? I can't tell you, only I saw his arms moving around pulling men out of the wagons. They went to the left of him. I was not near enough to see, but he seemed to hold on to him.

Who pulled him out of the wagon? John D. Lee and an Indian.

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Did you see John D. Lee make any motions? I did.

What were they? I thought at the time that he was cutting a man's throat, but then I was so far off.

You were in plain sight? Yes, sir.

Have you any doubt that is what he did there? No, sir.

What else did you see him do? I didn't see him do anything else at the time.

At any other time? No, sir.

Did you see him do anything else towards killing those people? No, sir.

How long a time did it occupy, that massacre? Not over five minutes ---not over three minutes.

How many people were killed, do you know? No, sir, I don't.

Did you have any conversation with John D. Lee after that about it? I have had at different times, but I don't know that I can recollect the conversation that passed.

Did you ever have a conversation with him in which he told you the particulars of the first attack? He told me once something in relation to it, but it is so long ago. It was only that he attacked them; that the attack was made just as daylight was appearing in the morning. He said he went with the Indians to make the attack.

Did he give you any reasons for making the attack? No, sir.

How many cattle were there belonging to that train? That I cannot tell. There was quite a number ---quite a lot of stock.

How many wagons did those emigrants have? Thirteen I counted.

Do you know what was done with the cattle? Taken to Iron Springs.

Who took them around there? I don't know who took them there ---some men took them there.

Do you know of Lee having and using any of the wagons afterwards? I saw some of the wagons at Harmony several weeks afterwards.

What did you say became of the cattle? Taken to Iron Springs.

By whom? I understood by John D. Lee's orders.

Do you know what was done with the cattle? I saw some of the cattle afterwards on the Harmony range close to Lee's residence.

************************************************page 345 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

There under his charge? I suppose so. I am not definite about that.

Do you know whether any of them were killed by Lee? No, sir. Never saw him kill any of them; he told me once that he had given the Indians several beeves, and the Indians told me he had.

How long had you been acquainted with the Indians in Southern Utah at the time of the massacre? I had been somewhat acquainted with them for five years. I came to Iron Cdunty in the Spring of '51 and resided there until '57.

Were your relations with the Indians intimate? With some portions of them they were.

Do you know at that date, the time of this massacre, what the relations were existing between the people of Southern Utah and the Indians; whether they were hostile or whether they were friendly? They were friendly.

State whether they were in good subjection or not?

Bishop objected to the introduction of this testimony by this witness. First, because the proper foundation had not been laid to show that this witness knew how far the Indians had been placed under subjection. Second, because the prosecution had introduced written evidence, documents written by Brigham Young and John D. Lee, to show the exact condition of the Indians at that time, and before that. Third, they seek to prove that the Indians were friendly to the people of Utah; that is irrelevant and immaterial here, from this fact, that there is no question now before the court or jury as to whether the Indians of Utah were friendly with the citizens of Utah or not. It is not claimed by either the prosecution or the defense, that the Indians had made any attack at that time, or that they afterwards made any attack on the citizens of Utah. The only question on trial is as to the fate of certain people, non-residents of Utah, and the fact as to whether this defendant was connected with their taking off or not.

After argument the question was withdrawn.

What was the influence of John D. Lee over the Indians of Southern Utah, those that were there present at the massacre? Objected to until it is shown that this party knows what that influence was. Question withdrawn.

Do you know the relations existing between John D. Lee and those Indians? The relations between John D. Lee and those

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Indians, a small portion of Indians that roved around in there, were good; but the Indians further south, I don't know. The Indians of Santa Clara, and further on, I did not know.

Had you any information, before you went there, from John D. Lee's Indians, that he had control of, that he had promised to go there? I had information from Indians that went there.

How long was that before you went? It was on Monday evening, before the massacre on Friday.

What was that information? Objected to. Question withdrawn.

Cross-Examined. --- How old were you at the time of the massacre? I was in my twentieth year.

Where were you at the time Mr. Haight ordered you to go to the Mountain Meadows? I was at Cedar City.

What time in the day was that? It was some time in the afternoon of Thursday.

The day before the massacre? Yes, sir.

How many men went with you to Cedar City? Two went with me to Cedar City.

Who were they? Klingensmith's son, and I can't recollect who the other was, came down to tell me I was wanted there. A man by the name of Charles Hopkins, and Charles Western, went with me to the Meadows. I went on horseback, and John Western went with the wagons. There were no others went at that time. There were others before, I understood.

How many did you find there when you got there, citizens of Cedar City and the surrounding country? I can't tell you the number.

How many, ten, fifteen or twenty? I should judge ten or fifteen.

Is it not a fact that there were more than twenty-five or thirty men-white men-there, that you saw on the ground? There might have been.

Wasn't there that number? I could not tell you.

Why can't you tell me? Because I didn't count them. I was not there long enough to ascertain the number of men that were there.

Where did you go that night when you went on the ground? I went to Hamblin's ranch. Got there about twelve or one o'clock ---not far from midnight--- and lay down there till morning.

************************************************page 347 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

What time did you get to the Meadows next morning? It was some time in the forepart of the day.

Did you go to the camp where the citzens were located? Yes, sir.

About how many men did you find there? There were some in two places. I found some eight or ten at the place I went.

Did you go to the other place? I didn't go there.

Then how do you know men were there? I saw them.

How far off? Some were in sight.

Were they within half a mile of you? Yes, sir.

Were there any Indians on the Meadows after you got there? Yes, sir.

Where were the Indians with reference to the white men? The Indians camped some distance from the whites.

Were the Indians out of their camp and up at that of the whites? Several came up while I was there.

Then after they came up to see you they staid up there around where the white men were? Yes, sir.

What men were at the camp where you stopped? Well, sir, I didn't stop at the camp. I stayed there a few minutes and talked to Mr. Bateman.

Who did you see there? Mr. Bateman, Charles Hopkins and Klingensmith, where I was talking.

Where is Bateman? Dead.

Where is Hopkins? I understand he is dead.

Do you refer to the same Klingensmith that was a witness at the last trial? He was the man that was Bishop at Cedar City.

Where is Western? I can't tell you. I don't know whether he is dead or alive.

Did you see Isaac C. Haight? Not when I first went to the camp.

You saw him around at the Meadows? Yes, sir, I saw him at the Meadows.

Did you see a man by the name of Stewart? I don't recollect. Did you see Higbee? Yes sir.

Wilden? I don't recollect. ,

Did you see old man Young? Yes, air.

How many others did you see? I can't tell yon.

You stayed there a few minutes and then went to get your horse; where was it you heard the conversation between John

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D. Lee and the Indians? It was at the camp at Hamblin's ranch.

Give that entire conversation that passed between John D. Lee and the Indians? I can't.

Start in and give from the first to the last of it as well as you can? I don't know as I can, sir.

What language did John D. Lee talk in to the Indians? - He had an Indian boy as interpreter.

Who was that Indian interpreter. It was the Indian boy called Alma, I think, that he would talk with and then have the Indian interpret it to the Indians.

Then he talked English and the boy interpreted to the Indians? I suppose so.

You understood both languages. Do you remember whether the Indian interpreted and told the Indian what Lee said, or not? I didn't hear him tell the boy anything about the attack.

Didn't you testify that you had a talk with Lee, and that you heard him talk with the Indians, and say that he had attacked the emigrants? No, sir, I said the Indians told me so. Yes, sir; I did. Lee was talking when I went to the camp, and he did say so.

Tell me whether he talked English or Indian? He talked English to me and told me so.

Give me that conversation? He told me they had attacked the camp on Monday night, and been repulsed.

What else? I can't be expected to remember all the conversation of twenty years ago.

I want all that you do know. Do you know any more about it? Can you recollect anything more that he said? Nothing that I recollect.

Did he give you any reason for attacking the emigrants? No, sir.

Did you find any fault with him for attacking them? Was anything said about whether it was right or wrong? No, sir; I was a boy; I didn't consider it my business to talk to my superior officers in regard to such things?

How was that about Lee being your superior officer? I say I was a boy and didn't consider I had a right to talk to a man in his position in such matters.

Did he have any control over you? No.

What right had he to control your actions? No answer.

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What position did he hold that gave him the right to direct your movements? I was sent there.

You have spoken of his being your superior officer. Tell me what position John D. Lee held that enabled him to control your actions? They called him Major Lee, and I was sent by Major Haight to go to the Mountain Meadows, to Major Lee.

That is the reason you considered that you had nothing to do with it? Yes, sir.

Did Haight tell you what you were to do there? No, sir.

He simply told you to go to the Mountain Meadows? Yes, sir.

What do you mean by your evidence, when you were asked by Mr. Howard a question, and you answered that you would not have gone to the Meadows if you had known what was to be done? That is, not if I could help it.

State whether you were under any compulsion? I didn't consider it was safe for me to object.

Explain what you mean, that is what I want. Where was the danger ---who was the danger to come from if you objected from Haight or those around him ---from the Indians, or from the emigrants? From the military officers.

Where? At Cedar City.

Was Haight one of those military officers? Yes, sir.

Who was the highest military officer in Cedar City at that time? i think it was Isaac C. Haight.

You thought it would not be safe for you to refuse, had you any reasons to fear danger-had any persons ever been injured for not obeying, or anything of that kind? i don't want to answer,

It is necessary to the safety of the man I am defending, and I therefore insist upon an answer. Had any person ever been injured for not obeying? Yes, sir; they had.

And from what you had seen before that, you thought it was your duty, under the circumstances, to obey counsel, or commands given you by Haight? Yes, sir.

Did Haight hold any office except that of Major in the military? He held the office of President of Cedar City.

An ecclesiastical office ---President of that Stake of Zion, I believe you call it? Yes, sir.

Tell me how old Haight was then? I can't.

A man full-grown, I presume? Yes, sir.

After you had caught your horse, how far were yon from the

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wagons at the time you heard the first firing? Well, I was not over 300 yards, and perhaps not more than 250.

What was the nature of the ground? I was on higher ground; if you have ever been to the Mountain Meadows, it gradually descends down from the mountains to the meadows.

You were on the upland ---above the wagons? Yes, sir.

Between you and those parties were there any trees or shrubbery, or anything of that kind? There were some to my left, kind of behind me.

You were at the left of the column? To the right of the column.

Then to your left, in between you and the wagons, there was nothing to obstruct your vision whatever? Not between me and the wagons.

At that time could yon see down to the meadows to where the principal part of the emigrants were killed? I could see the head of the column of the emigrants. The lower part of the column was hid by this oak bush that is there.

Did you see any Indians there at the time you heard this first shot, or soon afterwards? Yes, sir, soon afterwards.

You stopped your horse at the time you heard the first shot and paid particular attention to what was going on? Yes, sir.

You continued there inactive until the whole thing was over? Yes, sir.

You say you saw John D. Lee there. Did you not see Samuel McMurdy, one of the drivers, there also. Yes, sir.

What did he do? He was holding his horses all the time. I did not see him let go of them.

Do you know whether he took part in the killing, or not? No, sir, I don't. I can't say.

What was Sam Knight doing? Sam Knight, when I looked around, was out on the ground holding his horses.

How long did they stand there and hold their horses? Not long. The killing did not last over five minutes.

What did they do when they let go of their horses? I saw the wagons going off. There was another white man there along, with the Indiana, but who he was I do not know. I can't tell. I never enquired to find out.

It was none of your business? No, sir.

And you just let the matter pass? But yon did see John D. Lee killing emigrants, but you don't know who else killed any?

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page 351 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

You have not tried to find out since, have you? No, sir, I have not.

You have talked this over a great many times since, and heard it talked over, I suppose? No, sir, but very little.

Yon have had people ask you about the facts and circumstances frequently? Yes, sir, but it is something that I have avoided.

Is this the first time, since you arrived in Beaver City, that yon have talked this thing all over, except when talking to the attorneys for prosecution? No answer.

From your silence I see you wish to avoid talking to me, too. You have never talked this over to any one? No, sir.

Until you came to Beaver? I might have done so. I can't recollect.

How many of the military did you see drawn up in line there on the field of the Mountain Meadows, about the time the wagons drove off? I can't tell you.

Quite a number, were there not? Yes, sir.

Who was commanding that military body drawn up in line there? I can't tell which it was, Klingensmith or John M. Higbee

They were both there? Yes, sir, I think so.

Is it not the fact that these men were drawn up in military line ---standing there with arms in their hands--- within two hundred of the emigrant camp? I can't tell you.

Did you see them march in? I saw them marching, as I told you; when I got my horse and turned back I saw them marching.

I understood you to say that it was the emigrants that you saw marching after the wagons. Did you see the militia from Cedar City marching too, at the same time? There were men coming all along all together. I can't tell you whether they were militia or emigrants. All were marching along together.

About what time did the emigrants come out of the camp? It was some time in the afternoon, I think.

How long had you been there at the Mountain Meadows,

before the massacre took place? Well, I went from Hamblin's ranch in the morning; I hadn't been there a great while.

JOHNSON. ---Where were you born? I was born in the State of Ohio.

How old were you when you arrived in Utah? I was some

twelve years of age.

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Came I suppose with your parents, to Utah Territory? Yes, sir.

Resided in Utah ever since? Yes, sir.

Reside now at Johnson's Fort, the same place yon did at that time? No, sir.

Where do yon live now? Shall I answer that question Yes, sir. I live at Kanab.

How long have you lived there? About four months.

Where had you been living before that, since you lived at Fort Johnson? ter the massacre how long did you live a Fort Johnson? I moved into the Rio Virgin in the fall of '58.

How long did you remain there? Well, I can count up in a minute ---I lived there ten or twelve years.

Then where did you move to? I moved to the Sevier. And from there to Kanab, where you live now? Yes, sir.

You say you saw a lot of the wagons at Harmony afterward. I will not swear to but one.

Did you ever see any of the wagons at any other place ---did you not see some of them at Cedar City? Yes, sir.

Where were they in Cedar City? They were at Klingensmith's.

How many did you see? Two.

What position did Klingensmith occupy at that time? He was Bishop of Cedar City Ward.

You spoke of seeing some cattle on the Harmony range. Did you ever see any of those cattle on any other range? They were running about Harmony and Kanab.

Who had possession or control of them? I can't tell you.

Do you know how they were branded after that? No, sir.

How did you recognize them? I recognized them by the brand that was on them of "S."

Did you notice that they were branded with a "B" the first time you saw them? Yes, and they were a different kind of, stock; they were Texas cattle, a good many of them Texas cattle with long broad horns. There were none in the country that I ever saw until I saw those.

Go on again and tell us just exactly what you saw John D. Lee do; tell me all that you saw him do. I want you to make it just as full and bad as you can. I have told you what I saw.

Tell it to me again. I told you that I saw him fire a gun, and saw a person fall.

Go on and give it all just as yon saw it; the whole thing.

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page 353 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

And then after that I saw him and the Indians pulling people out of the wagons.

What else? That is what I told yon before.

I cannot help that, I am now asking yon to tell what you know. That is what I did see.

Is that all you saw? Yes, sir.

You know the parties had their throats cut, I suppose? No, sir. You went down and looked at the bodies afterwards? No, sir, I did not; I did not want to.

Then it is only a supposition, that the parties' throats were cut? That is all.

Did you ever go back to see if those persons were dead or

not? No, sir, I did not; I saw them lying there after the wagons had driven away.

Do you know whether they were dead or not, of your own

knowledge? No, sir, I do not. I saw persons lying on the ground dead, back below where the troops were.

How far from you? I went to them.

Then you did go back? Were they men that Lee killed, or were they men killed by Klingensmith's men, where he and Higbee were? They were down where Klingensmith and Higbee were.

Then you did go down to that place? Yes, sir; John D. Lee sent me down to the wagons, that were down below, to keep the Indians from taking the things out of the wagons.

How did he get you there? He told me to go, and I went.

Did you ride down to him after this killing was over? I went over to where Klingensmith was and Lee came down; he sent me down there to the wagons.

What did he say when he told yon to go back? He told me that he wanted me to go down to the wagons of the emigrants and keep the Indians from taking the things out.

How long did you stay there? I stayed there till John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight came down.

Are you certain that Lee came back? Yea, sir.

Don't you know as a matter of fact that Lee went on to Hamblin's ranch? I stayed there at the wagons until after he came back from Hamblin's ranch.

How long did you stay there? I can't tell yon.

Did yon sleep there in the field that night with White, Klingensmith,

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and others? I think likely I did. I stayed there until John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight came down.

Don't you know you stayed there that night, and until the wagons were moved away? I think I did.

Don't you know that you did? Yes, sir, I do.

Who took those wagons away ---who ordered the hitching up of the oxen and taking away of the wagons? I don't know.

Was it Klingensmith? No, sir; he did not.

Did John D. Lee? No, sir. I don't know.

Didn't you help drive the stock? I went with them around to the Iron Springs.

Who helped take the wagons down there ---can't you give me the names of a few of them? Witness refused to answer.

How many whites did you see on the Mountain Meadows, at the time of the massacre? I did not count them.

About how many? There was a considerable number, as many as forty or fifty.

How far were they from where you kept watch at the wagons? About half a mile.

Half a mile from the emigrants' wagons? Yes, sir; about that far.

Who kept watch with you that night at the emigrant camp, to keep the Indians from stealing? I don't want to bring in new names.

I see you do not ---except Lee's--- how is that? I have mentioned a good many names.

You have been sworn to tell the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth; and I want you to tell me the names of those men. Well, a man named Ure was with me.

What was his full name? John Ure.

How old was he? I can't tell.

Was he a man grown? Yes, sir.

Is he living or dead? He is alive.

How long was it after you went there to keep the Indians from stealing that these other parties came to you? I don't recollect of any coming until John D. Lee and Isaac C. Haight came.

Next day? Yes, sir.

Did you succeed in keeping the Indians from stealing there? They had taken a good deal before I went there. After I went they didn't.

You had considerable control over the Indiana when you got

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there. They knew you, and you could talk their language, so when you told them to do anything they would do it? Some of them would, and some wouldn't.

They all agreed to quit stealing, didn't they? No, sir.

How did you keep them from stealing, then? I didn't.

What did they steal after you got there? I can't tell you.

Did they steal anything ---you know whether they did or not? The Indians were at the wagons when I arrived and had taken out a good deal of stuff.

What did they do after you arrived? They took off what they wanted.

Did they stop stealing when you told them to? Not altogether.

What did they take away? Bedding and blankets.

Isn't it a fact that they took just what they wanted, and that you did not stop them from stealing? I did stop some of them.

Well, didn't they carry off all they wanted? They didn't carry it all away, but they did a good part of it.

How many did you keep from stealing? Five or six.

How many Indians were there that you could not stop; how many were there around the wagons? There was quite a lot that went away with their goods.

Fifty, seventy-five, or one hundred? Not that many.

How many did you see that day altogether? There was a great number ---over a hundred--- there was a great number of them took horses and started off.

Where did they get the horses? From around that section of country.

Emigrants' horses, I suppose? Yes, sir.

About how many horses did the emigrants have there? I can't tell you.

Didn't you see the herd? I saw the Indians with horses that they said they got there, but I did not see the herd of stock until it was started to the Iron Springs. I only came there the night before.

Did you do anything toward burying the dead after the massacre? No, sir.

Then you did not help do that? No, sir.

Were you there at the time it was being done? I saw men there working at it from where I was at the camp. They commenced burying the dead right off.

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The same evening of the massacre? Well, sir, I can't tell you. You cannot tell whether it was the same night or the next morning? I cannot.

What number of men went from there to the Iron Springs with you? There were some ten or twelve went along. I went on afterward. I had my horse. I rode my horse.

Give me the names of as many as you can that went with you from the Meadows to the Iron Springs the day afterward. I can't. I don't know as I can give the names.

If you say you cannot give the names, I will not press it. Well, I say I cannot.

You say you cannot recollect any of the names of those who --helped drive the stock? No, sir, I can't.

Who had charge of property as it was driven to the springs? That I cannot tell.

What was Klingensmith doing there? I don't know. I don't recollect seeing him along.

When did you last see Higbee there on the field? Did you see him after the massacre? Yes, sir.

Did you see him the day after the massacre? I can't tell whether I did or not.

Were you, present at any council that was held there on the field previous to the massacre, and hear any agreement as to the killing of the emigrants or anything of that sort? No, sir, I didn't.

You did not hear that anybody was to be killed until you heard the shooting? Yes, sir.

When? When I started after my horse I heard that the people were to be killed.

Who told you? John D. Lee told me.

I thought you said he had left you? He talked of it before he went to the camp.

Just before that, then? Yes, sir.

I wish to get at all this, because I want you to tell everything that John D. Lee did. Tell me what he said to you about it? He was talking to the men about getting the men out of their fortification.

Was this after the flag of truce had been sent? No, sir, before that.

Who was Lee talking to? Klingensmith, Higbee and others.

Who were the others? I can't tell you.

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page 367 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

How many others? There was quite a lot of men.

Thirty or forty? I should judge there were.

Did you hear Higbee say anything? Higbee may have talked.

Did any person make any objection to the killing of the emigrants? It is a thing, sir, that I don't like to answer.

I wish you to answer my question. Did any man or men, person or persons, there on the ground, make an objection to the killing of all the emigrants? Yes, sir, a good many objected. But they didn't dare to say anything.

How do you know they objected? They dare not speak about it to those men.

Did they speak up at the Council and make objections? I was not at the Council.

Did any one of that thirty or forty men raise a voice against the killing of the emigrants, at the Council, on the field, or in the presence of Lee, Higbee or Klingensmith, or any one else? No, sir, they did not.

What did John D. Lee say about it in the presence of Haight and Higbee? He said we must get them out of there.

Who was he talking to then? Higbee and the others.

Were they talking the matter over? Yes, sir.

Tell me what was said? I can't recollect.

Do you recollect what Haight said? Haight was not there.

Then how was it that Lee was talking to Haight and Higbee f Height was not there? It was Higbee and Klingensmith he was talking to.

What was it that Klingensmith said about killing the emigrants? I can't tell.

Then you cannot recollect what any one said or did except John D. Lee? No, because John D. Lee was the moat conspicuous man in the whole thing.

Klingensmith, the Bishop of the Church at Cedar City, Height and Higbee, as Majors in the militia, all stood back and gave John D. Lee full control, did they? He had control of everything on the field. He acted like a man that had control.

Did he not have control? I can't say.

Did you not think at the time that John D. Lee had full control of everything and of every person there? He acted like it.

What do you believe about it? No answer.

Height ordered you to go there? Yes, and when I got there I went to Lee; that was the instruction.

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And you stayed by him and obeyed all of his orders? No, sir, he wanted me to talk to the Indiana in a way I didn't want to.

Tell me how he wanted you to talk to the Indians? He wanted me to tell them that they would get the emigrants out some way, so they could get their guns and horses.

You refused to tell the Indians that, did you? Well, I talked to them some.

Did you tell them that or not? I don't wish to answer that.

COURT. ---You need not tell anything to criminate yourself.

BISHOP.---Can you tell me anything besides that, that you heard John D. Lee say? No, sir, I cannot. That is all I recollect.

What time of day was that, when Lee said, "We must get them out some way?" It was in the fore-part of the day.

Who was in hearing distance when Lee said that? I decline to answer.

HOWARD.---You don't decline because it would criminate you, do you? No, sir.

Then you cannot decline.

BISHOP.---Tell me who was present, and heard that statement of Lee's? I can't tell ---there was a lot of them there.

After you arrived at Iron Springs, did you and those with you talk the matter over and agree to keep it a secret? The matter was talked over at the camp, and again at the Springs, about keeping it a secret, but I can't tell what the agreement was that was come to.

Was the subject talked over as to whether it should be talker over afterwards or not? I don't recollect.

After that did yon talk it over with those who were engaged in the affair with you, in which conversation you learned it was best to keep silent concerning the whole thing? It was talked of that way ---that it was best to keep still.

What reasons were given, why it was best to keep still? I can't tell yon.

Do yon know what the reasons were, or do you decline to answer? Is it because you forget, or why can't you tell me? It was because they didn't want it to be known ---those men who were in it; the leaders in it didn't want it to get out.

I asked you whether you ever had any conversation with any one in regard to it? I can't tell you whether I had or not.

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page 359 TRIAL OF JOIN D. LEE.

Of course such a thing as that men would talk about. That's what the matter now. It has been talked about and can't lie still.

Did you ever have a conversation with Haight about this massacre since it occurred? Not that I know of.

Did you ever have a conversation with Stewart? No, sir.

Did you ever have one with Higbee about keeping it still? Not that I know of.

Did you ever talk with Allen, Klingensmith or any other

party that was there, about keeping it still? I tell you I don't recollect having a conversation about keeping it still. Such a thing was talked about, but I don't now recollect talking about it.

Did you hear either of those men talk about it, about keeping it secret? No answer.

Is it not a fact that after the property was all gathered up at the Meadows, and you were ready to start for Iron Springs, that speeches were made to the men present, by those in authority, in which speeches you were ordered to keep it a secret forever? There were a great many speeches made.

At the Meadows, before you left there, was it not told you in a speech then made to you, that, it must be kept secret; that it would be best to keep silent? Were you not so advised by your leaders? Yes, air.

Who gave that advice? Who ordered you to keep silent? Klingensmith and Haight gave the advice.

The cross-examination was continued at great length, but the witness could not, or would not recollect anything except what he had been advised by his priestly rulers to swear to. Nephi Johnson is a fair sample of the willing tools who commit crimes for Christ's sake, and swear falsely for their own sake. I have given sufficient of his evidence to prove to the reader that Nephi Johnson has not told the whole truth; he has only told what the Church leaders thought sufficient to convict Lee, and kept back every thing that would lead to the conviction of the other murdering wretches, who still adhere to the Mormon faith, and skulk in their hiding places, far from the haunts of lawabiding citizens.

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page 360 CHAPTER XXIII.

TRIAL OF LEE CONTINUED.

JACOB HAMBLIN

Sworn for the prosecution.

HOWARD ---Where did you live in August and September, 1857? My home was supposed to be at Clara, but I occupied the Mountain Meadows in the Summer with my stock.

What county was Mountain Meadows in at that time? It was considered in Iron County. It was before Washington County was organized.

It is in Washington County now? Yes; I believe it is.

Do you remember the time of this massacre? I was not at home ; I left before it happened, and I got back seven or eight days after.

How long before it happened was it that you left home? I don't know; I met the company at Corn Creek, and camped with them there.

You were going north, to the city? Yes.

When you returned had the massacre taken place? Yes, sir; it was done before I got home ---I heard of it before I got home.

When you got home, what did you find there on the ground? Well, there were the bodies of the company lying about there.

Were they dead or alive? I didn't see any live ones lying there.

How many dead ones did you see? I suppose over one hundred.

Did yon count the skulls there? The neat Spring, I took my man and we buried over one hundred and twenty skulls-skeletons; I don't remember exactly, something like one hundred and twenty. Two of us gathered up the bones.

Did yon count the skulls? Yes, sir; we counted them.

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page 361 TRIAL OF JOHN L. LEE.

Can you now remember how many there were? I think it was one hundred and twenty odd; I am satisfied it was over that, but I don't just remember the number.

After the massacre did you have any conversation with John D. Lee about it? I don't know as I did after I got home.

Did you see him before you got home on that trip? I did.

I met him at Fillmore.

Was that after the massacre? Yes, sir; it was this side of

Fillmore. I told him I heard a rumor of it among the Indians, and he told me about it.

State whether he had any boasts to make about it, or communications concerning it. If so what and how? I asked him how it came up, or something of that kind. He said that the emigrants passed through and threatened to make their outfit out of those outlying settlements, and that he could not keep the Indians back, and he had to go and lead the next attack, and he got a bullet-hole through his hat and shirt, and then afterwards got more Indians and had to decoy them out.

Tell me the whole conversation? I will if you will let me. That was the conversation. I talked about it with him, and he justified himself in this way: That the Indians made him go out and go and lead the next attack; afterwards they called on the Clara Indians, and that he decoyed them out, and they massacred them.

Did he say where he decoyed them out? Decoyed them out of the emigrant camp. Did he say why the massacre took place? Yes, I believe he gave reasons for it.

What were they? Well, that the attack had been made by

the Indians, and that they could not keep them back, and it was supposed expedient. That there was an army right on our border. That they would lead to giving the people much bother and trouble, and that they would testify against them, and so on, and it was thought best to use them up ---all that could tell tales, that is as near as I can remember.

Who did he say concluded that? I don't think he mentioned any names.

Did he tell yon whether any other white men were with him or not at the time he led the attack? He said that there was no one with him.

Did he tell you how it happened that he got down there and was there alone? Yes; I told you. He went out to watch them

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and keep them from making their outfit from the outlying settlements, and the Indians could not be restrained.

How long did he say that attack was made before the massacre? It ran along three or four days, he told me.

Cross-Examined---In the conversation that you had with Lee, did he not state to you that after the attack had been made by the Indians upon the emigrants, that word had been sent to Cedar City for assistance to save the emigrants from the Indians? Yes, sir---said they sent word there.

Who did he tell you sent word to Cedar City? He did ---he sent word.

What did he tell you that word was that be sent to Cedar City? He sent word that the emigrants had been attacked ---that the Indians were very mad, and he didn't know how to keep them down.

Give, as near as you can, the conversation that you had with Mr. Lee at the time you refer to? I believe I have.

Didn't he tell you that Haight or Higbee sent back word that the emigrants must be destroyed, because of the fact that Stewart had killed Aiden at the Springs? Didn't he mention something of that kind to you in that same conversation? I don't remember as he did. He spoke of some man being shot at Little Pinto in the course of the evening. It was after the Indians had attacked, if I remember right, that some men left the camp, and undertook to go to Cedar City, and were killed on the way ---one or two I think, and one or two came back.

Go on and tell all that he told you about it, about the killing of that man at Pinto ---how it was done, and all about it. I don't know that I can. I remember that he said that there was one killed there that went out to see if they could get help from Cedar City. Two or three went, and one was killed and one or two came back in the night. I don't know but that they got back to camp.

Did he tell you what word was sent back to him from Cedar City after that time? Yes; he told me something about the message that came there.

Tell me what was said about it? One message came to not disturb the emigrants, and after the message went that they had been attacked, I think he said that there was one that they be all killed or used up.

Go on and tell what he said was in that last message --he was

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explaining it to you? I am satisfied the message was ---it commenced that they should be used up, or something like that.

Did he tell you who that message was from? I don't think he did.

Did he tell you where it was from, whether from Cedar City or elsewhere? No, he used the language that he got word.

Re-Direct.

Do you believe what he said, that he got a message to use up those emigrants, from any authority? I don't know that I do.

Don't you know that he lied about it? No answer.

Don't you think he did? No answer.

He was telling you this in justification after the massacre? Yes, he told me that. I asked what called for such an act, and he told what the reason was.

He gave you that reply in his justification? He said he got word to use them up, that this army was on the borders.

He got word that being commenced, that on account of the army being on the borders, that he had better finish it? Yes.

Did you understand that that word came from Higbee or Haight? I don't think he said.

Do you know the relations existing between Higbee, Haight and Lee, so as to know from whom it came? I would expect it would come from Isaac C. Haight, if any word was sent from Cedar City; if it was north, it would be from Parowan, but I don't think he told me where it was from.

Klingensmith was in a position, I suppose, to send such word, if any was sent? Klingensmith was presiding Bishop. If it was orders in a military capacity it would be somebody else.

If it was in a military capacity, who would it have been from? The way I understand it, it would be Dame.

If he told the truth, and authority came to him from a superior military officer ---and if it came from an ecclesiastical, who would it have been from? It would have been from Klingensmith.

JACOB HAMBLIN.

Re-called.

HOWARD ---I am not in the habit, your Honor, of recalling a witness this way, but I was not fully posted in regard to all the facts that Mr. Hamblin would testify to. I have found he knows some additional facts, and I will ask leave to examine him further.

How far above this place, Beaver, was it that you had a con-

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versation with John D. Lee? It was about some springs, this side of Fillmore, probably seven or eight miles.

How far is Fillmore from here? About sixty miles.

How far is Cedar City from here? Supposed to be fifty-five miles-fifty-three to fifty-five miles.

Is there any other place called Cedar City, except Cedar City? No, sir, I don't know any. It is called Cedar or Cedar City.

How far is it from Cedar City to Parowan? Eighteen miles, I used to suppose it was. I have heard it called that.

How far is it from Parowan to Harmony? About thirty-five miles, it is supposed to be.

Is Harmony on the road, or is it off of the road from Cedar City to the Meadows? It is twelve miles south of the road.

Where do you leave the road going from Parowan to the Meadows, to go to Harmony? We leave it two and a half miles below Cedar City.

Then it is off to the left as you are going? Yes, sir.

Where is Pinto? It would be within seven miles of the north end of the Meadows, where my ranch was. What was the condition of the Meadows at that time, with regard to being a good stopping-place for travelers? At that time it had a very luxuriant growth of grass all over the valley, and springs at each end. It was considered a good stopping-place for companies, and was occupied by myself and two or three others at the north end. We had then formed a settlement called the Clara.

In this conversation that you had with Mr. Lee, did he say anything to you about the manner in which, or by whom, the men had been drawn into that massacre? If he did, will you state all he said, in your own way? It was a long while ago, but I recollect him telling me that there were white men there, and that they didn't know what they were going for until they got there, and some would not act and some would.

What do you know about the disposition of the property of those emigrants? There was none on the Meadows when I got there, that I saw. I saw two or three young men driving two or three hundred head of cattle, going to the Iron Springs. Afterwards I saw them on the Harmony range ---that drove of Texas cattle.

Whose range was the Harmony range? It belonged to the Harmony settlement ---the citizens of Harmony.

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Do you know of Mr. Lee using any of those cattle, butchering or using any of them? He had charge of them.

BISHOP---To save time and trouble, we will admit the corpus delicti. Of course it is understood that counsel cannot admit anything against his client in a criminal case. But there will be no question raised about it. It is an undisputed fact that something like one hundred and twenty people were killed about that time and at that place. And that the number of people charged in the indictment were killed there will be no question. That they were killed at that place there will be no question. We will never argue before any court that there has not been a killing as charged in the indictment, except that we will always argue that the defendant did not do it.

Calling your attention back to that conversation, I will ask you to tell the court and jury, in your own way, what Mr. Lee told you in regard to his personal participation in that killing, if he told you anything? Well, I believe I told it here yesterday --that he spoke of white men being engaged in it, and that he made an attack at daylight; that he could not keep the Indians back. They were so mad because one of their men got killed, and another wounded, that he led the attack and got a bullet through his hat and another through his shirt. The talk was something like this: They went out there to watch the emigrants and see that they should not get their outfit from the outlying settlements; that the Indians made the attack at daylight, and one of them got killed and another wounded, and that raised their temper to such a pitch that they went for him and compelled him to lead the attack, which he did once or twice-once anyway ---and got the bullet through his hat and one through his shirt. The emigrants were so strongly entrenched they could do nothing with them. And afterwards they were under the necessity of decoying them out with a flag of truce. And they came along in the Meadows to where the Indians were lying in ambush, and they rose up and massacred them. The emigrants were unarmed.

Tell what else he told yon? Well, he spoke of many little incidents.

Mention any of those incidents? There were two young ladies brought out.

Whom by? By an Indian Chief at Cedar City, and he asked

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him what he should do with them, and the Indian killed one and he killed the other.

Tell the story as he told you. That is about it.

Where were those young girls brought from ---did he say? From a thicket of oak brush, where they were concealed. It was an Indian Chief from Cedar City.

Tell just what he said about that. The Indian killed one and he cut the other one's throat, is what he said.

Who cut the other's throat? Mr. Lee.

Tell me what Mr. Lee said; state the circumstances of that killing, what conversation passed between that Indian Chief and Lee, and the conversation between the woman and himself? I don't know that I could.

Tell all you can remember about it; you say the Chief brought him the girls. I think I have told it about all.

Go over it again; tell us all the details of the conversation of the killing. Well, he said they were all killed ---all, as he supposed; that the Chief of Cedar City then brought out the young ladies.

What did he say the Chief said to him? Asked what he should do with them.

What else did the Chief say? He said they didn't ought to be killed.

Did the Chief say to Lee why they should not be killed? Well, he said they were pretty and he wanted to save them.

What did he tell you that he said to the Chief? According to the orders that he had that they were too old and too big to let live.

Then what did he sny took place ---what did he say he told the Chief to do? The Chief shot one of them. Did he say he told the Chief to shoot her? He said he told him to.

What did he say the girl did when he told the Chief to shoot her? I don't know.

Did she cover her face? No; he didn't say she covered her face.

Did he say she pulled her bonnet down over her face? He didn't tell me so.

Who did he say were by when that shooting took place? Indians standing round ---a good many.

After the Chief shot that one did he tell you what the other one said or did to him, Lee? I don't think Mr. Lee did tell me.

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page 367 TRIAL OP JOHN D. LEE.

Did he tell you himself who killed the other one? I told you that he said it was a Cedar City Chief that killed one.

Who killed the other? He did it, he said.

How? He threw her down and cut her throat.

Did he tell you what she said to him? No.

Who did tell you that? The Indians told me a good many things.

Didn't Mr. Lee tell you that she told him to spare her life, and she would love him as long as she lived? Lee didn't tell me that.

Did you ascertain in that conversation, or subsequently, where it was that they were killed? When I got home I asked my Indian boy; and he went out to where this took place, and he saw two young ladies lying there with their throats cut.

How old was he? Sixteen or seventeen.

What was the condition of those bodies? They were rather in a putrid state; their throats were cut; I didn't look further than that.

What were their ages? Looked about fourteen or fifteen. At what point were their bodies from the others? South-east direction, towards some thickets of oak. How far off? About fifty yards

Were those bodies up a little ravine, a little way? Yes, on a rise of ground.

What were their ages, about? Thirteen to fifteen, I would suppose.

Did you learn from the children, or from any other source, their names? Well, I suppose I did.

What name? There was a little girl at my house, I found with my family that was in that company; she said their names were Dunlap; she claimed to be their sister.

How old was she? Eight years old, she said.

Did you go up there and find those bodies yourself, with the assistance of the Indian boy? I walked over the ground, looked at it all pretty much and saw these two bodies.

He told you where those two bodies were to be found, did be? Yes, sir. The others had been buried slightly, but those two hadn't been; there was quite a number scattering around there. What became of the children of those emigrants? How many children were brought there? Two to my house, and several in Cedar City. I was acting sub-agent for Forney. I gathered

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the children up for him; seventeen in number, all I could learn of.

Whom did yon deliver them to? Forney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Utah.

Were there any of the wagons or other property burned there on the ground? I never saw any sign of burning, and never heard of any being burned.

Cross-Examined---Bishop: What day in September was it that you had this conversation with John D. Lee, about seven or eight miles this side of Fillmore? I don't recollect the date, I left the city about the 14th, and came directly there.

Who was present at that conversation? A man by the nameof Bishop.

That was not me? No; that man had two good eyes, and you have but one.

What Bishop was that, was he a Mormon Bishop? No, he was not a Mormon Bishop; be was a merchant. He had been hauling goods from California, and dealing lists some in these settlements.

Can you give me his other name? No, sir; I never heard it.

Was it Jesse Bishop? I don't know his other name.

Lee told you and this man Bishop all about it--got you two together and told you? I don't think Bishop heard the conversation, or much of it.

Did Bishop hear any of it? I don't know that he did, or that he didn't.

Then why did you say that he told you and this man Bishop? I said he was there.

You heard the conversation? Yes, I heard it; but I don't know as any other man heard it.

There was a man present by the name of Bishop? He was in the same camp.

Where were you at the time this conversation took place? I was five or six miles this side of Fillmore, at the Springs.

What time of day was it? It was afternoon sometime.

Which way was John D. Lee traveling at the time you saw him? Going north, to the city.

You were going South? Yes, sir.

Tell me what he said about the orders that he had. You have said that be told the Chief to kill the little girl, and that he killed the other, because his orders were that they were all to

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page 369 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

be used up. He said he had orders to use up all that company that could tell tales.

Where did he get these orders from? Did he tell you that? I told you no, that I don't remember that he did.

Do you recollect that he didn't? If he did I don't recollect it.

I want to get as full a statement of facts as possible. I want you to tell me everything that you think he said, or that he did say. When did he tell you that he got those orders from Cedar City? It was my impression that he got them from Cedar City; but I could not say what the man said about it, but I had that idea.

Who else did he tell you was on the ground aiding in this killing? The names I don't know as he mentioned. I think he mentioned Bishop Klingensmith being there.

Who else? He mentioned Higbee being there.

Who else did he mention? He mentioned my brother being there, bringing some Indians there. He sent him word to bring the Indians up there. Sent him word of this affair taking place, and for him to go and get the Indians, and bring up the Clara Indians.

Your brother, then, brought the Indians to the Meadows, and then left there? Yes, he told me so.

Now, how was it about the Indians making an attack about daylight? Were they repulsed? Yes.

One killed and another wounded? Yes, sir.

That enraged the Indiana, and so Lee led the next attack? Yes, sir.

Who do you mean were so enraged ---the Indians? Yes, the Indians. He claimed the idea that he had to do it to save hip own life. They were very mad, and wanted him to help use up that company.

Did he not tell you in that same conversation that he tried to appease the Indians and keep them from attacking the train? I don't remember just the words, but he said he could not keep them from attacking them just at daylight.

Didn't he tell you that he tried to keep them off? I don't

think so. I think he said he could not keep them off.

Did he say anything about the Indians calling him any names because he would not go? He went off towards the Clara and, cried, and they called him crier-yah gauts.

Why did they call him this? Because he cried.

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That was before he led the attack? I don't know.

Are you positive that he told you that he cut that woman's throat? Yes, I am positive of that, or I would not have told it.

How long is it since you have told anybody that John D. Lee had told you that? It has been about three seconds.

Where have you lived since the Mountain Meadows Massacre? My family has been at the Clara the most of the time; the last six years have been at Kanab.

You have lived in Utah all that time? My home has been in Utah.

That has been your home? My home has been in Utah.

Didn't Lee tell you more than you have told? Didn't he tell you about a council that was held on the field before the massacre? He told me. We had a good deal of conversation about it.

Tell me if he did not inform you that a council was held on the field, on Mountain Meadows, by the people from Cedar City, before the massacre, and that he opposed the killing of the emigrants until he found that he could do no good? After we had talked some time I asked the necessity of such a thing, or why it was, and he told me that he had orders to do so.

Did he not tell you that there was a council held there at the Meadows, and that it was then decided that they should be killed? No, I never heard that there was a council held there to make any decision, or to decide anything but the subject or counseling how to decoy them out.

Who counseled with them? There was Klingensmith, the Bishop of Cedar City.

Who else counseled with him? I think he said John M. Higbee. I am satisfied it was.

Did he tell you how long before the massacre it was that they talked this over? I don't think that he did.

You were a sub-agent and Indian interpreter at that time, were you not? Right away after that Forney appointed me as subagent. At that time I was no agent, nor in any particular ofce, unless a missionary in the south country to establish some settlements on the Clara.

What reason did Lee give you in that conversation for the killing of the emigrants? He must have given you some reason why it was necessary to commit such a deed? I asked what called for it, why they did it. He said that attack at daylight would have thrown censure upon this people.

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page 371 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

On what people? The people that were living here.

Do you mean the whites that were living here at the time? Yes, sir.

Go on and tell all he said. I want you to make it as bad as you can ---tell all that you said, all that he said? I would not undertake that.

Tell all that you can recollect? I have, the substance of it?

There must have been a good deal said about the reasons for doing this thing? The cause that he always gave to me was that which I told you. That after they came through there and behaved very rough, and said that they helped kill old Joe Smith, and were going to be ready there at the Meadows when their teams got recruited, and when Johnston commenced on the north end, they would on the south end, and he was asked by -authority ---Haight or Dame--- to go and watch those emigrants and see that they didn't molest those weak settlements. When I asked him what it was for ---that in doing so, when they got there the Indians made this attack at daylight.

The Indians then made the first attack? He said they made it voluntarily ---they made the first attack.

You spoke of General Johnston's army marching towards Utah. Where was it? At Fort Bridger then.

Who was it understood that Johnston was understood to be marching against them? The understanding and feeling was that he was marching against the Mormons as a people, Church or nation, and was going to try to burst up the whole concern. That was what we expected.

You expected, then, that Johnston with the army of the United States, was leading that army against this people? Yes, sir.

With the intention of exterminating them or compelling them to abandon their religion? Yes, sir, that was my belief ---to do away with the Mormon religion.

How long before that had it been that this same feeling of fear or anxiety had been felt by this people, occasioned by Johnston's approach? I think it had been two or three months, it had come south at the time. I think it was the 24th of July when a celebration was held in one of the canyons, that word came that Johnston was on his way.

After that 24th of July, did that report have any effect on this people to cause them to organize as a military people?

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page 372 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

No, that was organized before that, as far as I knew and was with the counsel.

From that time on up to the time of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, tell me if the people were organized as a militia, and enrolled as such? The instructions we had from George A. Smith, who was sent as representing President Young's mind. was to save everything like breadstuff, and use it when we wanted it.

Did the people ever meet and drill, have exercises and musters, so as to make them understand the use of arms, and make them familiar with military tactics? Yes, sir, there used to he drills, sometimes, those days.

Was it not a general occurrence for them to meet and drill? Yes, they drilled at Fillmore and Cedar---I don't know about Harmony--- using as much effort as possible to perfect themselves in military tactics. They were always doing that; they did that in Illinois.

Did you not understand that all the men between eighteen and sixty years of age were enrolled in the militia? Yes, I understood it so.

Who was the highest military officer in thin division? William H. Dame was first in command in the southern country. He was Colonel of the Iron Militia, as I understood it. I was out a good deal.

Who was the highest military officer at Cedar City? Well, that I could not testify to, but I think it was Isaac C. Haight, But I would not testify to it, because I don't know.

State if you know whether John M. Higbee belonged to the militia or not? Well, he belonged to the militia, but whether as private or officer, I don't know.

How many men did John D. Lee tell you had gone from Cedar City to the Mountain Meadows, and that were present at the time of the Massacre? Well, if he told me I have forgotten.

Did you ever have a conversation with him, or with any other person, as to how many or about how many were there? No. I don't know that I had. I heard there was something like fifty in all from Cedar City and from below there, but that is nothing but an idea---not founded on face---as reports.

You spoke about Lee telling you that there was a necessity for killing those young girls, because they were older than those that his orders permitted him to save. State now if he did not

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page 373 TRIAL OF JOHN D. LEE.

tell you in that conversation some reason for the killing of the grown people. The reason was what I told you.

Did he not say that if they were permitted to go they would tell the tale in California, about what had been done there by the Mormons? His talk was and his excuses were that it would be s bad thing for the people here in Utah, if it was known, and got out in such a troubleous time. It would bring much trouble on the Mormons as a people.

Was not that trouble to come from their notifying the people of California of what had been done? Well, yes. When I interrogated him about that he said---I think he said-it would have a tendency to bring trouble from California.

Did he not tell you that that was the understanding of the people, that if they were permitted to go, that it would call an army from the south, and that was the reason these instructions were sent as they were? He didn't say anything about the people.

Did he not tell you why the instructions came to him as they did? He did not tell who it came from, he said he did it by authority.

Did he not tell you that he did it by authority and the reason that authority gave was that these parties, if permitted to go, would raise a war cloud in California? I don't know as he did. He said it would lead to bringing an army down upon us; that is what he told me.

Did he tell you anything further? I think I have told you all that was important that John D. Lee said.

Did not John D. Lee tell you in that same conversation, that after the Indians made the attack the first time, that one or more men started from the emigrant camp for Cedar City, and not some men going to the emigrant camp from Cedar City; that they met at the springs, and that then Young Aiden was killed by William C. Stewart? He gave me an account of it.

Tell me what he said about it? I can't do that.

Then give the substance of it. It would be from memory, and there might be an error in it. He told me he spoke of three men starting back to go to Cedar City to get assistance and to give information of what was going on after the first Indian attack. During that time there were three men went out in the night, and one was killed at Little Pinto, four miles this side of the Meadows. I don't know who he said killed them. I don't

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know as he said that he knew. I think one was killed there, and the other got back to their camp. They wounded one in the night, and the thought was this would lead to trouble if they were permitted to go, on account of this man being wounded and telling how it was done, and what had happened in the past, was about his language; what had happened would lead to bringing trouble, perhaps an army on the southern people, and especially that action at the springs, in the killing that man.

Did Lee tell you who was at the springs at that time? No, if he did, I don't remember.

Did he say this to you ---that it was understood by the authorities that one man was wounded at the springs, and one man killed by Stewart, and if those people were permitted to go to California they would notify the people of California that the whites had made an attack in conjunction with the Indians; that they would lead an army from the south and west, and that for safety they considered it necessary as a war measure to kill those people? I think he told you that, Mr. Bishop. I told you that when I asked him, he told me that that would lead to bringing an army here. I am satisfied that is what he said. But as to the particulars of the killing at Little Pinto I could not say, only that a man was killed there and one wounded, and they had got back; that the attack at daylight was the cause of the emigrants being killed.

Mr. Hamblin, have you now detailed to the jury all of the conversation that you had with John D. Lee, at the time that you met him seven or eight miles this side of Fillmore? I think I have, that I recollect distinctly enough to mention here. I may think of something else.

You say you saw some of the cattle on the Harmony range. How many people used that range for their cattle? I think something like twenty families.

Do you know who took charge of the stock immediately after the massacre? I met two young men driving it ---between two and three hundred head.

Who were they? They lived at Cedar City. I did not know them. They said they were going to drive them to the Iron Springs, and then afterwards I learned that John D. Lee took them.

Who were those young men? I do not know. I was not acquainted with them. They lived there, they said.

How far did yon live from Cedar City at that time? My family was then twenty-eigut miles from Cedar City, at the Meadows.

Did you spend any time at Cedar City soon afterwards? When I came through I stopped about ten minutes. I was on an express.

Where were you carrying the express? I was going to overtake another company. Colonel Dame was afraid they would jump into them, and wanted me to go and see to it.

Afraid who would jump into them? The Indians.

Where did you get that express? From him.

Where at? At Wild Cat Canyon, eight or ten miles north of here.

That was when you were coming from Salt Lake? That was.

After you had left John D. Lee? Yea, sir.

Who were you carrying that express to? To the Indians ---if there were any. He said he had learned they were following up this company.

What company? The company that was following up the

company that was massacred. They were stopped here a while, and the Indians wounded one, or killed one, or something.

Have you ever given this conversation that you had with Lee to any one, to the public generally? I do not ask if you have stated it to the counsel in the case, but to others? I have no recollection of it. -

Have you ever given it to any court or jury, or given a statement of it? No, sir, not at all ---not until now.

Have you ever given a report of it to any of your superiors in, the Church, or officers over you? Well, 1 did speak of it to President Young and George A. Smith.

Did you give them the whole facts? I gave them some more than I have here, because I recollected more of it.

When did you do that? Pretty soon after it happened.

You are certain you told it fuller than you base told a here on the stand? I told them everything I could.

Who else did you tell it to? I have no recollection of telling it to any one else.

Why have you not told it before this time? Because I did.

not feel like it.

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Why did you not feel like it? You felt and knew that a great crime had been committed, did you not? I felt that a great crime had been committed. But Brigham Young told me that "as soon as we can get a court of justice, we will ferret this thing out, but till then don't say anything about it."

There have been courts of justice in this Territory ever since that time? I have never seen the effects of it yet. I have seen it tried.

Then this is the first time you have ever felt at liberty to tell it? It is the first time I ever felt that any good would come of it. I kept it to myself until it was called for in the proper place.

You feel now that the proper time has come? I do indeed.

I presume you have talked it over with friends, and they advised you that this would be a good time and place to tell it? I had an idea that if I came here that it would be a pretty good place to tell it.

And in pursuance of that idea you are going on to tell it? Yea, sir.

Are you certain that you have told all that you know about it? I am certain that I know all I tell.

Answer the other part? I think I have, all that is important.

Have you told it all? No, sir, I have not.

Then tell it? I will not undertake that now. I would not like to undertake it.

Re-Direct---Howard: How long have you known John D. Lee? Between thirty and forty years.

How long is it since Mr. Lee ceased to be so ardent in his feelings and religious zeal that he was willing to run the risk he did down there at the Mountain Meadows, to defend his religion? What I knew of him, he was always pretty zealous in what is called Mormonism---he was at that time. How is it now?

BISHOP---We object to the question; it is not expected that a man shall be called a criminal for giving up his belief in such a Church. It is wholly foreign to the question at issue. Objection sustained.*

NEPHI JOHNSON.

Be-called by Prosecution.

_____________________________

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HOWARD---I will introduce the question I have to ask, by asking you if yon know anything about this subsequent comzany---the Duke's company? Yes, sir.

What do you know about that? Objected to upon the ground that it relates to a matter subsequent to the crime as charged in the indictment. Question withdrawn.

What conversation did you have with Mr. Lee, after the massacre? When I arrived at Harmony, John D. Lee was there.

How long was this after the massacre at the Meadows? Only a few days.

Where did you go from? I started from this city to Cedar City at my father's ranch. Where were you going? Going with the company to see them safe through the country.

When you got to Harmony, did you see John D. Lee? Yes, sir.

Did you have any conversation with him? Yes, sir.

What conversation? He asked me to take the company into the mountains in the Santa Clara, and that he would follow with the Indians and kill them.

Did he tell you that he had authority to do that? No, sir; I said I would not do it. I said that I was sent to see the company safely through the country, and that I would do it or die. That there had been enough blood spilt at Mountain Meadows. He called me a great many names, and passed on.

Cross-Examined ---You made up your mind, then, to die for the emigrants. Did you try to die for them at Mountain Meadows? No answer.

Nephi Johnson recalled.

HOWARD---By permission of counsel for defense I will ask one question.

BISHOP---Ask as many as you desire.

HOWARD---How long have you known John D. Lee? Since 1851.

Do yon identify the prisoner at the bar as the John D. Lee spoken of by the witnesses and in your own testimony? Yes, sir.

Cross-examined ---Where did you live in 1851? Parowan, Iron County.

What time did yon go to Iron County, Parowan? In the Spring of '51.

Where did you come from when yon went there? Came from Salt Lake Valley.

Where did you come from to Salt Lake? From Illinois.

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What part? Knox County, Illinois.

When did you leave Knox County, Illinois, for Salt Lake? I think it was in 1849.

Then yon have lived in Utah all the time since? Yes, sir.

The defendant introduced no witnesses, but rested his case upon the evidence that had been introduced by the prosecution.

The case was then argued for the prosecution by Howard and Denny, and for the defendant by Foster and Bishop. The Court instructed the jury at length.

The jury, after a few hours' deliberation, returned a verdict of "Guilty of murder in the first degree."

A motion was afterwards made and argued for a new trial. The court overruled the motion, denied the application for a new trial, and sentenced Lee to be shot.

The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of Utah Territory, and argued in that Court by Hon. Frank Tilford and Sumner Howard for the people, and by Wm. W. Bishop for Lee.

The Supreme Court sustained the judgment and sentence of the District Court, and ordered the District Court to fig a day for carrying the judgment into effect.

The District Court again sentenced John D. Lee to be shot to death, and fixed the days for execution on March 23d, 1877.

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page 379 CHAPTER XXIV.

NAMES OP ASSASSINS CLAIMED BY LEE TO HAVE BEEN PARTICIPANTS IN THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE, OR PRIVY THERETO.

NAMES of those who were on the ground, and aiding in or consenting to the killing of over one hundred and twenty men, women and children, at the Mountain Meadows.

1. George Adair, Jr.

2. Benjamin Arthur.

3. Ira Allen, (dead.) Member of High Council of Church

and City.

4. Wm. Bateman, (dead.) Carrier of Flag of Truce.

5. John W. Clark, (dead.) Lived at Washington, Utah.

6. Thomas Cartwright, (dead.) Lived at Cedar City. Member City Council.

7. E. Curtis. Captain of "10." Cedar City.

8. Joseph Clews. Then of Cedar, now at Los Angelos,

California.

9. Jabez Durfey. Cedar City.

10. -------- Edwards. Cedar City.

11. Columbus Freeman. Utah Then of Cedar, now at Corn Creek, Utah.

12. John M. Higbee. 1st Counselor to Isaac C. Haight, and Major of Iron Militia. In command at Massacre.

13. Oscar Hamblin, (dead.)

14. Charles Hopkins, (dead.)

15. Wm. Hawley. Now residing in Fillmore, Utah Territory.

16. John Hawley. (Died in Indian Nation.)

17. Richard Harrison, of Pinto. Member of High Council of Church.

18. George Hunter, of Cedar City.

19. John Humphreys, of Cedar City.

20. Samuel Jukes, of Cedar City.

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21. Nephi Johnson, of Cedar City. Indian Interpreter.

22. Swen Jacobs, of Cedar City.

23. John Jacobs, of Cedar City.

24. Philip Klingensmith. Bishop of Church at Cedar City.

25. Samuel Knight, of Cedar City.

26. -------- Knight.

27. Dudley Leavitt, of Cedar City.

28. A. Loveridge, of Cedar City.

29. Daniel McFarland, of Cedar City. Son-in-law of Isaac C. Haight, and acting Adjutant at time of massacre.

30. John McFarland. Attorney at law, St. George, Utah.

31. James Matthews, (dead.)

32. John Mangum, of Cedar City.

33. Samuel McMurdy, of Cedar City. 1st Counselor to Bishop Klingensmith. Assisted in killing wounded.

34. James Pearce, of Washington, Utah.

35. Harrison Pearce, of Washington, Utah.

36. Samuel Pollock, of Cedar City.

37. Dan. C. Shirts, of Harmony, now of Potatoe Valley, Utah. Son-in-law of John D. Lee, and Indian Interpreter.

38. William Slade, Sr., (dead,) of Cedar City.

39. William Slade, Jr., of Cedar City.

40. William C. Stewart, of Cedar City.

41. Joseph Smith, of Cedar City.

42. Arthur Stratton, of Virgin City.

43.--------- Tate, of Cedar City. Has since been a Captain of militia.

44. John Ure, of Cedar City.

45. Joel White, of Cedar City.

46. Elliott Wilden, of Cedar City.

47. Robert Wiley, of Cedar City.

48. Samuel White, of Cedar City.

49. Alexander Wilden, of Cedar City.

50. John Weston (dead), of Cedar City.

51. Wm. Young (dead), of Washington, Utah.

52. John D. Lee. Executed march 23, 1877.

ACCESSORIES BEFORE THE FACT.

WILLIAM H. DAME, Bishop of the Church at Parowan, Colonel of the Iron Militarv District, and first man in authority in Southern Utah. He gave orders to Isaac C. Haight to have the

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page 381 NAMES OF ASSASSINS.

emigrants exterminated, and did not deny the same when accused of it by Haight on the field after the massacre, while examining the dead bodies.

ISAAC C. HAIGHT, President of that "Stake of Zion" at Cedar City, Utah Territory, Lieutenant Colonel of the Iron Military District-the man who directed Lee to see that the emigrants were exterminated.

GEORGE A. SMITH, one of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, who preached a crusade against all who were opposed to the Mormon Church, through the settlements in Southern Utah, immediately before the Mountain Meadows Massacre. (Now dead, or so reported).

ACCESSORIES AFTER THE FACT.

BRIGHAM YOUNG, to whom John D. Lee made a full report of the massacre, giving names of persons engaged in the crime, and every fact within his knowledge, in less than a month after the same was committed.

The man who said "God had shown him that the massacre was right."

The man who ordered John D. Lee to keep the whole thing secret.

The man who pretended to aid Judge Cradlebaugh to discover the guilty parties, and while pretending to do so was preaching at Cedar City and elsewhere that damnation would be the fate of all who presumed to give evidence against the brethren who had committed the crime.

The man who gave offices and concubines to John D. Lee and Jsaac C. Haight, as a reward for their acts at the massacre.

The man who controls the every act of the Mormon people and makes slaves of his followers.

The man who teaches the doctrine of Blood Atonement as a religious duty to be performed by the faithful Latter-Day Saints.

The man who assumes that he does nothing except by direct authority from Heaven.

The greatest criminal of the Nineteenth Century!

DANIEL H. WELLS, the man who has done everything that he could possibly do to carry out the will of Brigham Young and defeat the United States officers in their attempts to enforce the laws of the United States. The man who directed the witnesses that it was the will of God, as made known through Brigham

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Young, the Prophet, Priest and Revelator under the New Dispensation, that John D. Lee must be convicted, but that no evidence should be given that would implicate any others of the brethren who aided in the butchery at Mountain Meadows.

NEXT. Every Mormon who has tried to screen the guilty perpetrators from punishment, among whom may be named

GEORGE Q. CANNON, who disgraces the Government of the United States by holding a seat as Delegate to Congress from the Territory of Utah, and who wrote many articles for publication, in the vain effort to prove that the massacre was an Indian massacre, without help or advice from the Church.

LASTLY. All who pretend that John D. Lee, and those who assisted him in the massacre, acted contrary to the orders of the Mormon Priesthood.

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page 383 CHAPTER XXV.

EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE.

JOHN D. LEE was executed on Mountain Meadows, Washington County, Utah Territory, at the scene of the massacre, on the 23d day of March, 1877.

As to the reasons which prompted him to act as he did during his lifetime, we have nothing to say. Judging from his Life and Confessions, and our personal acquaintance with him, we believe him to have been an honest man, but so blinded by religious fanaticism and faith in his corrupt Church leaders, that his moral vision was perverted, and he committed crimes under the orders of his superiors, believing that he was doing right and working for the glory of God. It appears from his writings that he was used by Joe Smith, Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders, from the time that he became a member of the Church, as a tool to perform their dirty work, and when he was worn out and could no longer be of any service to them, they sacrificed him with as little compunction of conscience as a carpenter would throw away an old worn-out saw or chisel.

The only wonder is that Lee, who was an intelligent man, would allow himself to be so often and so grossly deceived, and still repose confidence in his leaders. The answer to this is, that he had the utmost faith ---a fanatical faith--- in the truth of the Mormon religion, and believed that no other doctrine would enable him to attain immortality and future happiness. In addition to this, he had married a number of wives, who had borne him children, for all of whom he seems to have entertained a warm, fatherly affection; and if he had left the Mormon Church the law would have compelled him to give up all his wives except the first one, and his children would have been branded as bastards. His life, too, would have been in danger from his former associates, as be says himself, and they would either have

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"blood atoned" him or reported his crimes to the civil authorities and secured his conviction.

All these reasons kept him in the Church, and while there he felt that it was his duty, to himself, his family, and his God, to obey his rulers and those who were in authority over him.

The rulers of the Mormon Church teach their deluded followers that they are inspired men; that they act by direct authority from God, and that disobedience to their orders is rebellion against God. They also teach that those who carry out their orders in the commission of murders and other crimes, are only instruments to perform the will of God, and are not responsible for the sins which they commit in obeying the orders of their inspired rulers.

It is hard to believe that people of any intelligence whatever, could be so shamefully deceived, but when men and women arc thoroughly imbued with religious fanaticism, they are capable of believing or doing almost anything, provided it is sanctioned by a "thus sayeth the Lord" from the lips of some "holy" man or prophet, pretending to have his authority from revelation. Christianity itself furnished too many sickening examples of this kind a few centuries ago.

Thus John D. Lee was led on, step by step, from one crime to another, until his leaders had made all the use of him they could, and then they sacrificed him to a felon's death, in order to save themselves and cover up the sins of the Church.

On Wednesday preceding the day fixed upon for the execution, the guard having Lee in charge started from Beaver City; where Lee had been imprisoned, for Mountain Meadows, where it had been decided to carry the sentence into execution.

The party consisted of United States Marshal, William Nelson, a military guard, the prisoner, District Attorney Howard, a few newspaper correspondents, and about twenty private citizens.

The authorities had received information that an attempt to rescue Lee would be made by his sons and a body of his personal friends, and precautions were taken to prevent the success of any such attempt. The place of execution was kept a profound secret, except with the Marshal and a few trusted friends, and a strong guard was procured. Lee either knew nothing shout the intended attempt at rescue, or else he placed no confidence in it, for he uttered no word or expression to indicate

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page 385 EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE.

that he had any hope. He was cheerful and resigned to his fate, and seemed to have but little dread of death.

The party reached Mountain Meadows about ten o'clock Friday morning, and after the camp gad been arranged, Lee pointed out the various places of interest connected with the massacre, and recapitulated the horrors of that event.

A more dreary scene than the present appearance of Mountain Meadows cannot be imagined. The curse of God seems to have fallen upon it, and scorched and withered the luxuriant grass and herbage that covered the ground twenty years ago. The Meadows have been transformed from a fertile valley into an arid and barren plain, and the superstitious Mormons assert that the ghosts of the murdered emigrants meet nightly at the scene of their slaughter and re-enact in pantomime the horror of their massacre.

The ground is cut up into deep gullies, and the surface is covered with sage brush and scrub oak. Meadows Spring, where the emigrants were encamped when they were first attacked, is situated at the lower part of the plain. At the time of the massacre this spring was on a level with the surrounding country, but it has since been washed out until it forms a terrible gulch some twenty feet in depth and eight or ten rods wide.

About thirteen years ago, Lieutenant Price and a party of soldiers collected all the bones of the murdered emigrants that could be found on the field, and erected a monument of loose stones over them, on the banks of this ravine. The monument is about three feet high, oblong in shape, and some twenty feet in length. Many of the stones of which it was composed have fallen into the ravine, and the monument is in keeping with its surroundings ---dreary, desolate and decaying. The curse rests upon the whole landscape. The Marshal's party removed some of the loose stones down to the level of the earth, but no trace of bones or human remains could be found. Decay and desolation mark everything. The accompanying illustration, engraved from a photograph taken a few minutes before Lee's execution, gives a correct view of the present appearance of the Meadows.

To this dreary spot, the scene of one of the most revolting crimes that ever disgraced humanity, John D. Lee had beer conveyed to bid farewell to life and be suddenly hurled into the unknown realities of eternity. His sentence, doubtless, was just, but if so, what ought to be the fate of the men who coun-

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seled and commanded him to do what he did? Among the number Brigham Young stands head and foremost, by reason of his position, and if the curse which rests upon the scene of the butchery does not follow him with the horrors of the damned fate is unjust. He proved himself a traitor to his faithful friend and slave, as well as a murderer at heart, and as sure as there is a God in Heaven just so sure will the curse of that crime come home to him. If the law should fail to reach him with its retributions, the ghost of John D. Lee will haunt his lecherous pillow and scorch his sleepless brain with visions of everlasting woe.

As the party came to a halt at the scene of the massacre, sentinels were posted on the surrounding hills, to prevent a Surprise, and preparations for the execution were at once begun.

The wagons were placed in a line near the monument, ands over the wheels of one of them army blankets were drawn, to serve as a screen or ambush for the firing party. The purpose of this concealment was to prevent the men composing the firing party from being seen by any one, there being a reasonable fear that some of Lee's relatives or friends might wreak vengeance upon his executioners. The rough pine boards for the coffin were next unloaded from a wagon, and the carpenters began to nail them together. Meanwhile Lee sat some distance away, with Marshal Nelson, and quietly observed the operations going on around him. The civilians, and those specially invited as witnesses, were allowed to come within the military enclose, but all others were required to station themselves at a considerable distance to the east of the ravine.

At 10:35, all the arrangements having been completed, Marshal Nelson began to read the order of the Court, and at its conclusion he turned to Lee and said:

"Mr. Lee, if you have anything to say before the order of the Court is carried into effect, you can now do so."

Lee replied:

"I wish to speak to that man," pointing to the photogrpher, (James Fennemore), who was adjusting his camera near by, preparatory to taking the group of which Lee was the central figure. "Come over here," said Lee, beckoning with his hand.

"In a second, Mr. Lee," replied Mr. Fennemore, but it was more than a minute before be could comply with the request. Lee, observing that the artist was occupied with his camera, said,

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page 387 EXECUTION OF JOHN D. LEE.

"I want to ask a favor of you; I want you to furnish my three wives each a copy," meaning the photograph about to be taken. "Send them to Rachel A., Sarah C. and Emma B."

Hon. Sumner Howard, who was standing by the side of the instrument, responded for the artist, whose head at the moment was covered by the hood as he was adjusting the camera: "He says he will do it, Mr. Lee."

Lee then repeated the names of his three wives carefully, saying to the artist, who had just approached him, "Please forward them ---you will do this?"

Mr. Fennemore responded affirmatively, at the same time shaking Lee by the hand.

Lee then seemed to pose himself involuntarily, and the picture was taken.

He then arose from his coffin, where he had been seated, and, looking calmly around at the soldiers and spectators, said, in an even and unexcited tone of voice

LAST WORDS OF JOHN D. LEE.

"I have but little to say this morning. Of course I feel that I am upon the brink of eternity; and the solemnities of eternity should rest upon my mind at the present. I have made out ---or have endeavored to do so--- a manuscript, abridging the history of my life. This is to be published. In it I have given my views and feelings with regard to all these things.

"I feel resigned to my fate. I feel as calm as a summer morn, and I have done nothing intentionally wrong. My conscience is clear before god and man. I am ready to meet my Redeemer and those that have gone before me, behind the vail.

"I am not an infidel. I have not denied God and his mercies.

"I am a strong believer in these things. Most I regret is parting with my family; many of them are unprotected and will be left fatherless." (Here he rested two or three seconds.) "When I speak of these things they touch a tender chord within me." (Here his voice faltered perceptibly.) "I declare my innocence of ever doing anything designedly wrong in all this affair. I used my utmost endeavors to save these people.

"I would have given worlds, were they at my command, if I could have averted that calamity, but I could not do it. It went on.

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"It seems I have to be made a victim ---a victim must be had, and I am the victim. I am sacrificed to satisfy the feelings, ---the vindictive feelings, or in other words, am used to gratify pasties.

"I am ready to die. I trust in God. I have no fear. Death has no terror.

"Not a particle of mercy have I asked of the court, the world, or officials to spare my life.

"I do not fear death, I shall never go to a worse place than I am now in.

"I have said it to my family, and I will say it to-day, that the Government of the United States sacrifices their best friend. That is saying a great deal, but it is true ---it is so.

"I am a true believer in the gospel of Jesus Christ. I do not believe everything that is now being taught and practiced by Brigham Young. I do not care who hears it. It is my lastword ---it is so. I believe he is leading the people astray, downward to destruction. But I believe in the gospel that was taught in its purity by Joseph Smith, in former days. I have my reasons for it.

"I studied to make this man's [Brigham Young] will my pleasure for thirty years. See, now, what I have come to this-

"I have been sacrificed in a cowardly, dastardly manner." (Lee enunciated this sentence with marked emphasis.) "I cannot help it. It is my last word ---it is so.

"Evidence has been brought against me which is as false- as the hinges of hell, and this evidence was wanted to sacrifice me. Sacrifice a man that has waited upon them, that has wandered and endured with them in the days of adversity, true from the beginning of the Church. And I am now singled out and am sacrificed in this manner! What confidence can I have in such a man! I have none, and I don't think my Father in heaven has any.

"Still, there are thousands of people in this Church that are honorable and good-hearted friends, and some of whom are near to my heart. There is a kind of living, magnetic influence which has come over the people, and I cannot compare it to anything else than the reptile that enamors his prey, till it captivates it, paralyzes it, and it rushes into the jaws of death. I

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page 389 MORMONISM UNVEILED.

cannot compare it to anything else. It is so, I know it, I am satisfied of it.

"I regret leaving my family; they are near and dear to me. These are things which touch my sympathy, even when I think of those poor orphaned children.

"I declare I did nothing designedly wrong in this unfortunate affair. I did everything in my power to save that people, but I am the one that must suffer.

"Having said this I feel resigned. I ask the Lord, my God, if my labors are done, to receive my spirit."

Lee ceased speaking at 10:50, A. M. He was then informed that his hour had come and he must prepare for execution. He quietly and coolly looked at the small group of spectators. He was still very calm and resigned.

Rev. George Stokes, a Methodist minister who had accompanied Lee as his spiritual adviser, then knelt on the ground and delivered a short prayer. The minister was deeply affected by the solemnity of the occasion, and was very earnest in his supplications. The prisoner listened attentively.

At the conclusion of the prayer, Lee exchanged a few words with Mr. Howard and Marshal Nelson, saying to the latter:

"I ask one favor of the guards --spare my limbs and centre my heart."

He then shook hands with those around him, removed his overcoat and comforter, presenting the latter to Mr. Howard, and giving his hat to Marshal Nelson.

The Marshal then bound a handkerchief over the prisoner's eyes, but at his request his hands were allowed to remain free.

The doomed man then straightened himself up facing the firing party, as he sat on his coffin, clasped his hands over his head, and exclaimed:

"Let them shoot the balls through my heart. Don't let them mangle my body!"

The Marshal assured him that the aim would be true, and then stepped back. As be did so, he gave the orders to the guards:

" READY! AIM! FIRE!"

The five men selected as executioners promptly obeyed. They raised their rifles to their shoulders, took deliberate aim at the blind-folded man sitting upright on his coffin, about twenty feet in front of them, and as the fatal word "fire!" rang out

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clear and strong on the morning air, a sharp report was heard, and Lee fell back on his coffin, dead and motionless. There was not a cry nor a moan nor a tremor of the body.

There was a convulsive twitching of the fingers of the left hand, which had fallen down by the side of the coffin, and the spirit of John D. Lee had crossed over the dark river and was standing before the Judge of the quick and the dead.

His soul had solved the awful mystery, and the CURSE that hovers over Mountain Meadows had marked "ONE" upon its list of Retribution.

THE END.

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page 391 APPENDIX.

LIFE OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

ON THE 29th day of August, 1877, the telegraph brought the brief announcement of the death of Brigham Young, which occurred at Salt Lake City, at four o'clock on the evening of that day. This event, of peculiar importance to the religious denomination of which be was the head and main support, was not entirely unexpected, as the infirmities of age and the effects of licentious living had been making serious inroads upon his vigorous constitution during the last few years of his life. He had anticipated the event himself, and had about completed his arrangements for the transmission of his authority to other hands.

As there is nothing to admire in the character of this gross, selfish, lustful man, except his superior natural abilities and unyielding determination, it is difficult to collect sufficient material for an extended biography, for he had no loving friends to gather up the little incidents of his life and place them on record for the use of future historians. He ruled his people as a tyrant, not as a friend and the title of the "Old Boas," by which he was familiarly known among the Mormons, indicates the estimation in which he was held by his own people.

The only record of his early life now in existence is a brief account written by himself, from which we learn that he was born in Whittingham, Windham County, Vermont, June 1. 1801. When he was about eighteen months old his parents removed to Chenango County, N. Y., where they resided until 1818. Shortly after the commencement of the last war with Great Britain, they removed to Genoa, Cayuga County, N. Y., where Brigham lived until 1829. In 1830 be located in Mendon, Monroe County, where be remained but a short time, when he remove

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to Canandaigua, but returned to Mendon in 1832. He removed from there to Kirtland, Ohio, where he was "converted" to Mormonism, and his connection with that sect dates from that place and period.

He had four brothers, born in the following order: John, Joseph, Phineas H., and Lorenzo D., Brigham being neXt to the youngest. He also had five sisters.

His father's name was John Young, and his mother's maiden ,name was Nabby Howe.

Brigham's grandfather was a physician in the American army during the French and Indian wars, and was killed after the return of peace by a heavy rail falling upon his neck while climbing through a fence. Two of Dr. Young's sons, Joseph and John, fought in the American army during the Revolutionary War.

John Young, Brigham's father, was a farmer, and his social position seems to have been below the average. The future Prophet was reared in the humblest circumstances, and he often boasted in after-life that he had "only been eleven and a half days at school." His natural abilities were good, but these were neglected, the boy grew up in ignorance, and as a natural consequence the grosser attributes of his character predominated.

The Young family, with the exception of Brigham, were all devout Methodists, but their religion was freely tinctured with the superstitious ideas common to ignorant minds, and which were quite prevalent at that early date; and Brigham, who possessed a naturally strong and independent character, scouted their superstitions and was considered an infidel until his conversion to Mormonism. His parents, however, had an earnest faith in his future, and believed that he would become the main pillar of the family spiritually, as he was temporally.

In early life Brigham worked on his father's farm, but he afterward learned the trade of a painter and glazier, and followed this business for eighteen years. His occupation did not afford him constant employment, and he was often forced to seek hard manual labor to earn a support for himself and family. He asserted that he "had done many a hard day's work for six bits a day," and his early privations taught him a lesson of frugality and economy that he did not forget in his more prosperous days. The spirit of industry which he infused into the entire body of people over whom he presided, was one of his few redeeming qualities. He adopted the honey-bee as his motto, and permitted no idleness or extravagance to exist in his presence.

In 1824 he married his first wife, whose maiden name was Miriam Works. She died eight years afterward, leaving two daughters, who are still living, and members of the Mormon Church. One of the daughters married

Edmund Ellsworth, a relative of the famous Colonel

Ellsworth who was killed during

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page 393 LIFE OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

the war between the North and South. The other married Charles Dicker. The eldest is now about fifty years of age, and both are grand-mothers.

About 1830 Brigham Young first heard of Joe Smith's famous "golden plates" and the doctrine of Mormon. He also obtained some advance sheets of the book of Mormon, and, with the assistance of Heber C. Kimball, who afterward became one of the most polygamous of the Mormon chiefs, began to investigate the new doctrine. He proceeded cautiously at first, sad (lid not accept the faith until two years later. He was then baptized, and immediately afterward ordained an elder and sent on

mission to Canada. His wife having died, be placed his two children in the care of friends, and devoted himself exclusively to the ministry.

His previous poverty and habits of hard labor rendered the acceptance of Mormonism no sacrifice to him, and preaching "without purse or scrip" he felt was no lowering of his dignity. In truth he found the preaching of the new doctrine a much easier way of making a living than his former occupation, and, encouraged also by the influence and attention which his new dignity brought him, he threw his whole soul into the work, and almost immediately became one of the "bright lights." His manner of preaching was forcible and energetic, though utterly lacking in polish, and, seemingly or really in earnest himself, he conveyed the same impression to the minds of his audiences, and not only held their attention but converted hundreds of them to the new faith.

A writer of some distinction, referring to the early days of Mormonism, says

"The preaching of the first elders was something like a resuscitation of the dispensation committed to the Apostolic fishermen of Galilee. With the acceptance of what they deemed the new revelation of Christ there was no sacrifice too great to make, and no self abnegation with which they would oat strive to adorn their lives. They were earnest, fiercely enthusiastic, and believers in everything that had ever been written shout 'visions,' ` dreams,' 'the ministering of angels,' 'gifts of the spirit,' `tongues, and interpretations of tongues,' 'healing,' and ` miracles.' They wandered 'without purse or scrip' from village to village and from city to city, preaching in the public highways, at the firesides or in the pulpits ----wherever they had opportunity."

These fanatics, crazed by religious fervor and excitement, had but little difficulty in gaining the attention of the ignorant and unlettered in the communities which they visited, and the animal magnetism engendered by their excited manner and fanatical earnestness, enabled them to win converts by the thousands. The barren, speculative, carefully prepared sermons of

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page 394 APPENDIX

fifty weeks in the year, chilled in the presence of the energy and demonstration of the Mormon elders, and "the number of the disciples grew and multiplied."

Ministers of other denominations, also, seeing their own flocks invaded, and prospective members won from the ranks of the outside world, began to denounce and preach against the new doctrine. Religious persecution manifested itself, several Mormon elders were tarred and feathered at different places, and the converts of the new doctrine were ostracised and driven from the society of ortbodox worshippers. The result was what might have been expected, "the blood of the martyrs became the seed of the Church," and Mormonism flourished wonderfully.

In the midst of this religious excitement Brigham Young visited Kirtland, Ohio, and for the first time met the Prophet Joseph. Herber C. Kimball and Joseph Young accompanied him on this expedition, and they had a high time of rejoicing. Brigham was so "lifted up" by the spirit upon beholding the prophet, that he "spake in tongues," which was the first time that the "gift" had been demonstrated. It was a heathenish sort of gibberish that no one understood, but Joe Smith "interpreted" the unknown sounds, and assured those present that they were "the pure Adamic language ---the language in which Adam courted Eve." Brigham often resorted to this device in after-times, and his ignorant followers were roused to frenzy while listening to senseless ejaculations, which they believed to be the primal language of the human race.

Brigham was soon upon the most intimate terms with Joe Smith, and the latter pronounced him a "chosen vessel of the Lord." Shrewd, ready, quick-witted, enthusiastic, and practical, the new convert speedily rose among his new associates. In a community where ignorance was the rule, his ignorance passed unnoticed, while his confidence in himself, his power to read the nature of his fellow-men like the pages of an open book, and his devotion to the religion of the Latter-Day Saints soon raised him into a commanding position. He had not long been a member of the Church before he was ordained an elder, and began to preach the most stirring sermons that the infant Church had ever listened to.

In May, 1834, Joe Smith received a "revelation from the Lord," commanding him to lead an army into Jackson County, Mo., to the assistance of the Mormon colony there who had got into trouble with the neighboring "Gentiles." Accordingly an "army" was organized at Kirtland, on the 7th of May, and Smith was chosen commander-in-chief. One hundred and thirty men composed this famous "army," but it received accessions from stragglers and vagrants on the route, until when it encamped in Missouri it numbered 205 men. It was divided into companies of twelve, and each company chose its own officers

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page 395 LIFE OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

Brigham Young accompanied the expedition as one of the leaders. The Prophet selected George A. Smith, his cousin, as his "armor-bearer," and the march was conducted with great pomp and splendor.

On the 19th of June the "Lord's army" reached the vicinity of Clay county, and encamped near a company of Missourians who were waiting to attack them. During the night a dreadful storm swept over the camp of the anti-Mormons, their tents were scattered to the winds, their horses stampeded, and one of them was killed by lightning.

This relieved Smith and his followers from immediate danger, and they remained in camp until the 21st, when the cholera broke out among them with terrible fierceness. So sudden and overpowering was the attack that the strongest men fell to the ground with their guns in their hands. In four days sixty-eight were attacked and fourteen of them died. Brigham was among the stricken ones, but he overcame the disease, as he

afterward stated, by the force of his will, and was soon ready for duty again.

In this crisis Joe Smith proved himself to be a true leader, for instead of becoming panic-stricken, he went about laying on hands and "rebuking the destroyer," until he himself was prostrated. He ascribed this visitation to the disobedience of some of his followers, and he promised that if they would "humble themselves and obey him as the Prophet of the Lord," the plague should be staved. The Mormon historians assert that "not another was stricken with cholera from that hour."

The expedition having proved to be an ignominious failure, the Prophet very conveniently received another "revelation," and learned that "the Lord," having changed his mind, no longer desired the redemption of the Missouri "saints," who were a rebellious and stiff-necked people, and needed to be chastised by their heathen neighbors in order that they might learn obedience. The "army" was therefore disbanded, the warriors were instructed to disperse among the settlements or return to their homes, and Smith and Young, with the other leaders, returned to Kirtland.

In 1835 Brigham was ordained one of the Twelve Apostles, Smith having received a special revelation from heaven pointing him out as one of the pillars of the Church. The ordination consisted of the laying on of the hands of the three witnesses to the Book of Mormon. It may be mentioned here parenthetically that these three Saints subsequently renounced Mormonism.

When the twelve were sent to preach the gospel according to Mormon to the outer heathen, Young traveled through the Eastern States, and was the most successful preacher of them. all. His presence was commanding, his speech fluent, if notpolished, and his vigor and earnestness contagious. If he did

************************************************page 396 APPENDIX.LIFE OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

not believe what he preached he certainly acted his part so well that none could discover his secret.

Soon after the return from Missouri, Joe Smith, Brigham Young, and Sidney Rigdon organized a bank at Kirtland, which they called the "Safety Society Bank," and began to issue notes in unlimited quantities, "for the relief of the Saints." The names of Joseph Smith as cashier and Sidney Rigdon as president were signed to the beautifully engraved bank-notes, and those who saw the notes with these names attached supposed the bank to be simply a savings institution in which the "saints" could deposit their earnings, which would be invested so as to pay interest, and that the notes represented actual money in the bank. The result was that the confidence of the people was gained, and the paper of the Safety Society Bank became a favorite medium of circulation with both saint and sinner.

Finally, however, other banks began to lose confidence in these notes, and the bankers of Pittsburg deputed one of their number to visit Kirtland and learn the real condition of the Safety Society Bank. This agent was a Mr. Jones, and his account of his interview with President Rigdon was decidedlv racy. He first inquired about the success of "the Lord's cause," and evinced considerable interest in the Latter-Day religion. This he claimed was a matter of courtesy, but it was unfortunate, for upon opening his satchel and producing a huge bundle of Safety Society Bank paper, which he desired to have redeemed, the whole proceeding was denounced by brother Rigdon as the "march of a wolf in sheep's clothing." He flew into a passion and asserted that the paper of the bank had been put out as a "circulating medium" for the accommodation of the people, that it would be an injury to them for the notes to come home and be redeemed, as they would then have no circulating medium! His bank would redeem nothing! Mr. Jones pleaded for a deviation from the rule in his case, and pledged himself never to return with any more of the notes for redemption if he could only get his money this time. But Rigdon was faithful to the programme of the bank, and coolly informed Mr. Jones that they had never asked him or anyone else to take their paper, and referred him to that important epocb in Bibliocal history where the profession to which Mr. Jones belonged were scourged out of the Temple at Jerusalem.

The agent returned to his employers and reported the facts, and immediately the notes of the Safety Society Bank began to depreciate. The inspired bankers, realizing what the end would be, determined upon flight, and Brother Brigham, more sagacious than the others, set out for Missouri with his family, till three weeks in advance of the president and cashier. His discretion proved his superior wisdom, for his associates narrowly escaped arrest, being compelled to seek safety in flight during the night of January 12, 1838. They were pursued by their infuriated victims for more than two hundred miles, and frequently evaded them only by the superior mettle of their horses. They finallyovertook Brigham and his family, and continued their journey to Missouri. or the "promised land," arriving in Far West on the 12th of March, 1838.

Prior to this, in 1836, Thomas B. Marsh, President of the Twelve Apostles, had resigned, and Brigham Young took his place, being delegated by Smith to "preach in tongues." He did preach "in tongues" now and then, and although none of the saints understood him his oratory was vastly admired.

In 1838 there were many schisms in the church. Orson Hyde apostatized and testified against Smith; Phelps deserted the cause, the Pratts were wavering, and Dr. Arvard, one of the Danites, exposed the hidden machinery of Mormonism. Smith was arrested Sept 14, 1838, and to save his life, Brigham fled to Quincy, Ill. There he met the remainder of the twelve and some other brethren. and in the next year assisted to relay the foundation of the Mormon temple in Independence, Jackson County, Mo. The laying of the corner stone was done at midnight, and every man who participated in the ceremonies knew that his life was at the mercy of the enemies around him ---the enemies who had already razed to the ground the habitations of the faithful. Still, there was no wavering, and not one jot of the ceremonial was neglected.

In 1839 Brigham, still faithful where so many had proved false, was sent by the Prophet to preach in England. He was penniless, friendless, and alone, and suffered much during the two years he spent in England. Still, supported by the charity of his audiences, he made thousands of converts, shipped 769 new Mormons to Smith, established the Millennial Star, a Mormon organ which lived for many years, and formed a number of churches.

Upon his return to the United States in 1841, Brigham joined his brethren at Nauvoo, being received with great enthusiasm. It was here that he first came in conflict with the Prophet; but such was his power among the people that he carried his point. At this time he preached throughout the summer and worked in the Winter.

The difficulties that environed the Saints at Nauvoo increased to such a degree that in 1842 Joe Smith prophesied that within five years they would remove to a new location in the Rocky Mountain region, and in the Spring of 1844 he sent a party to explore the unknown region, with a view to verifying his prophecy. In his private history, under date of February 20, 1844, he wrote

"I instructed the Twelve Apostles to send out a delegation and investigate the localities, California and Oregon, and hunt

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page 398 APPENDIX.

up a good location where we can remove to after the Temple is completed and where we can build a city in a- day and have a government of our own; get up into the mountains where the devil cannot dig us out, and live in a healthy climate where we can live as old as we have a mind to."

His idea was to found an independent State somewhere in the Rocky Mountain region, where his people could live to themselves and practice their peculiar doctrines unmolested by infidels and outside sinners. The plan was afterward successfully carried out by Brigham Young, subsequent to the death of the Prophet, so that the credit which has sometimes been bestowed upon Brigham as the originator of this fine strategetic movement belongs of right to his predecessor.

On the 27th of June, 1841, Smith was shot by a mob while in the jail at Carthage, Ill. The twelve apostles were scattered far and wide, and Brigham Young was in Boston. Nauvoo was threatened by the Gentiles. Troops were in arms, and rumors of coming trouble flew thick and fast. Sidney Rigdon, who was the legal successor of Joseph Smith, assumed the mantle of the Prophet and began to peddle dispensations, confer endowments, and dictate in every way to the saints. It was the rule of a weak man, and was destined to be short lived. Suddenly Brigham appeared, and Rigdon's power crumbled into dust. He denounced Rigdon as a fraud and a hypocrite; declared that his revelations were from the devil; and finally hurled upon him anathema after anathema. The result was an election that wiped Rigdon out and made Brigham Young the Mormon ruler. Those who had voted against him, the new Prophet cursed and cut off, and by a well-devised system of rewards and punishments he soon inspired love in the hearts of his friends and adherents and fear in the hearts of his enemies. John D. Lee gives an account ---and doubtless the only correct one ever published--- of the manner in which Brigham secured his election to the presidency of the Mormon priesthood. It is decidedly rich and worth reading twice. (See page 155. )

Brigham began his administration with a reign of terror. If any person, whether Saint or Gentile, became obnoxious to him, a word or a sign to the Danites or his secret police was sufficient to seal the fate of the unfortunate offender, who would either be waylaid and murdered or enticed into some lonely place and there executed. If the offending person happened to be so prominent that his death or disappearance would cause inquiry and investigation, he would receive warning from Brigham's agent, that it was no longer healthy for him to remain in that locality, and the warning was sure to be heeded and acted upon, for the power of the new Prophet was soon understood and dreaded by all.

By this system of murdering and banishing his enemies Brig-

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page 399 LIFE OF BRIGHAM YOUNG.

ham soon had his authority firmly established, and his leading men were bound to him forever by the common fear of the penalties of the law if they should be detected or any of their number turned traitor. The Prophet felt so secure in their confidence that one day in council he openly dared them to betray him, plainly intimating that they were all in the same category and if he fell they must fall with him.

He also encouraged polygamy, both by precept and example, with the evident intention not only of gratifying his own lustful desires, but of causing his people to form peculiar social relations that could not be maintained elsewhere, and thus competing them to remain forever a separate and distinct community. Polygamy had been taught and secretly practiced by Joseph Smith, but Brigham engrafted it upon the doctrines of the Church and caused it to become a leading feature of the new religion.

He furthermore hastened the completion of the Temple, and then administered the endowment rites to all the people. The ceremonies and obligations of these rites were of such a character as to leave a lasting impression upon the minds of those who received them, and after that but few ever had the hardihood to apostatize.

Having bound his people together by the various ties of murder, polygamy, and the endowment, more closely than any other community that ever existed, he began to make preparations to carry out the plan of his predecessor and found an independent State in the Rocky Mountain region. Their departure was hastened by the threatening attitude of the citizens of Illinois, who nod endured the insolence and lawlessness of the Mormons so long that forbearance was at an end, and they had determined to dries them out by force of arms.

On the 5 th of February, 1846, the first company crossed the Mississippi River on the ice, and on the following day the main body of Saints began to move. During the month of Februtary about 1,200 wagons were transported to the Iowa shore, and started on the journey westward. Brigham Young took his departure on the 3rd of March, and by the middle of May about 16,000 people were winding their way through Iowa to rendezvous on the banks of the Missouri River in the vicinity of Council Bluffs. Only about one thousand Mormons were left in Nauvoo, mostly on account of their inability, from poverty or sickness, to undertake the journey with the main body, while some were left to dispose of the property and settle the affairs of the Church. By the first of October all had taken their departure.

None knew their destination, bat they faithfully followed their leader, trusting to his ability to find a renting place for them. They spent the Winter of 1846-7 in Iowa, in miserable hovels and tents, and endured great hardships on account of the lack

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of proper shelter to protect them against the severity of the weather.

Here the need of money began to be felt, and the U. S. Government having offered a bounty of $20,000 for a regiment to serve in the Mexican war, Brigham ordered his men to enlist, and a regiment five hundred strong was soon organized, equipped and started on the march to Santa Fe. With the money thus obtained Brigham was enabled to place his people in much more comfortable circumstances than they had previously been, and the following Spring he took 143 men and started on a prospecting tour to the West, having first organized the people into farming companies and directed them to raise a crop for their use during the coming Winter.

He and his party reacted Salt Lake on the 24th of July, and there he determined to locate his colony. Leaving a portion of his company to begin farming operations, he returned with the remainder to Iowa, for the purpose of piloting his people across the plain. He found them in a sad condition, for during his absence dissensions had arisen among them, and cholera, fever sod ague, and other diseases, had greatly thinned their ranks. But he went to work with his usual indomitable energy and soon restored order and good feeling, and as the Winter advance ; the health of the people greatly improved.

Preparations for the journey across the plains were vigorously prose toted, and early in the Spring of 1848 the people were ready to depart, and by the last of May they were all en route for the new "promised land."

The main body arrived in Great Salt Lake Valley in September and October, bringing with them a large amount of grain: and agricultural implements, as well as the remnant of their property from Nauvoo with which to commence anew home. Great suffering was experienced during the trip, and hundreds died of disease and exposure, leading the route dotted with graves. But the winter following their arrival at Salt Lake was mild, and the sufferings of the emigrants were greatly mitigated by that fact. During the following summer, however, their crops were damaged by drought and grasshoppers, and their sufferings during the preceding winter were almost unbearable. Indeed their condition did not materially improve until the third summer, when their harvests were abundant, and prosperity began to smile upon them.

In 1850 the Mormons became anxious for admission to the Union. They accordingly drew up a constitution of a State which they wished to calf Deseret, and sent delegates to Washington Congress granted them a territorial government under the name of Utah, and President Fillmore appointed Brigham the first Governor.

From 1850 to 1854 the growth of the Church was rapid, both

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as to numbers and wealth. Almost every country in Europe sent its quota to swell the number. Villages grew into towns, towns into cities. The capital, Salt Lake City, daily increased in size and importance. Brigham inculcated constant industry. In his creed to be idle was to he vicious; and so all worked

In 1854 a Governor, not a Mormon, was appointed, and Brigham began to show an inclination to resist. For three years the Territory was in an unsettled condition. The saints, acting upon the orders of Brigham, committed many crimes, the most revolting of which was the Mountain Meadows Massacre. In 1857 President Pierce appointed Alfred Cummings Governor of Utah, and sent with him a force of 2,500 soldiers. Brigham submitted with a bad grace. As he controlled the courts, the juries, and all elective offices, the power of the new Governor was of the slightest. He could plan reforms, but he could not carry them out.

It was not until the Salt Lake colony had been fairly started that Brigham proclaimed the "celestial law of marriage," which sanctioned polygamy. He said that Joseph Smith had had a revelation in 1843 directing him to promulgate this doctrine; but that he had failed to do so because of the troubled times in the Church. Smith's widow and his sons pronounced this a falsehood, but the power of Brigham, chiming in with the wishes and inclinations of his people, soon made polygamy an institution There was a schism in the Church, but the Smith faction were speedily driven to the wall.

Of Brigham's later years little need be said. Keen and farsighted he piloted his people through all their troubles into a haven of prosperity such as no people ever attained in so brief a space of time. He neither spared himself nor others. "Watch and work," not " Watch and pray," was his motto. Brigham Young was one of the most far-seeing and enterprising business men in the country. He never lust an opportunity. By the establishment of the Zion co-operative stores, the working of mines, the purchase of property in places likely to grow rapidly, and by his railroad operations be accumulated one of the largest fortunes in the United States. Good authorities say that there is scarcely a city or town in the region over which he so long ruled in which he did not own property. By a system of tithe collecting, he made the people contribute directly to his coffers. The tithes were for the Church, it is true, but Brigham was the Church. In the early days of the Pacific Railroad he took a deep interest in the scheme, and was afterwards a contractor for a portion of it. That he had confidence in the stability of the national Government is shown by the fact that he was a large holder of bonds purchased in the early years of the war.

In person the "Old Boss," as his people called him, was large and portly, with a steel-blue eye, a resolute mouth, a ruddy ************************************************

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cheek, an imposing carriage and a very impressive manner. He was indeed a noticeable man, yet plain and simple in his dress, in his diet, and indeed all his habits. He had an excessive fondness for tobacco, and sometimes (his enemies sad) took too stiff a dram of whisky; but be ate little, toast, bread and and milk being his chief food. He rose early and attended to his multitudinous affairs with persevering industry, strict routine and systematic regularity. Among his intimates he was free, affable, pleasant; courteous to strangers, and full of plain, offhand, practical talk with every one. In council his power impressed every one by the cool, calm, deliberate, well-considered views he was always ready to express. In the pulpit he was still more a power, fascinating his hearers by what in the lips of others would seem mere swagger and rhodomontade. His manner was unstudied, unaffected; all seemed to see that he was talking to them from his heart, and that that heart was sincere. Indeed, the secret of Brigham Young's success lay just here, that he had ---or feigned irresistibly to have--- an intense conviction of the truth of his mission.

Brigham's lion could roar terribly enough on occasion. His roar was loud enough without needing to be like those of the Danites, to echo it. In 1854 the crops failed, there was a famine and the people murmured. Brigham preached a series of startling famine sermons; told them they were cursed because they were unfaithful, they had sinned and the judgment was on them, they must bow to the yoke, and ended by cursing the murmurers. There was no more complaining. None of his followers dared differ from Brigham; they were sure to be brow-beaten to the very dust. His magnetism was irresistible, but this only made his anger the more terrible. He more than once showed himself implacable as granite with the Mormon offender against the Mormon law, the heretic, the traitor, the adulterer. "Gentiles" who have made trouble in the territory he has cursed from the pulpit, hustled and harried, plundered and maltreated them, until they were glad to flee naked and afraid for their lives. One of the Smiths in 1852 differed upon some point of doctrine from Brigham and attempted to set up a little Ebenezer of his own. Young bore it for awhile in silence, then suddenly, from his stand in the Tabernacle, denounced the intruder in the vernacular: "I tell Albert Smith that he had better clear right out and that right straight, too, or I will cut his damned throat, and send him to hell across lots!" Needless to say, Smith fled at once.

On Thursday, August 23, 1877, Brigham Young was attacked with cholera morbus, said to be the result of making a hearty dinner of green corn and peaches. The attack was regarded as serious, but on Friday his physicians pronounced him convalescent. He had a relapse on Saturday afternoon, accompanied by

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severe pain. The symptoms yielded to the use of morphine, but on Sunday a condition of semi-stupor set in, which continued throughout the day and night. On Monday there was no change for the better. On Tuesday it became difficult to arouse him, but be retained his tonciooanssn and recognized those about him, but experienced great difficulty in breathing, and artificial respiration was resorted to for about nine hours. His condition from this time until his death admitted of no doubt as to the result.

His last words, uttered on Tuesday night, were, "I feed better." He was able to say very little to the members of his family, as they came to bid him farewell on Sunday night. He then said, "It will make no difference whether I live or die. I am resigned." For the past few months he had enjoyed remarkable health; had preached sermons an hour in length, and been engaged actively in the reorganization of the Church in different settlements, and the appointment of new bishops preparatory, it was hinted, to the cutting off of the lukewarm or immoral members.

At 4 o'clock on the afternoon of August 29th he passed quietly away, seemingly unconscious of all his surroundings. The members of his family were generally gathered around his bedside, and evinced deep emotion. His sons, John W. and Brigham Junior, constantly attended him during his illness.

The funeral was an impressive demonstration. On Saturday morning the body was taken from the Lion House to the new Tabernacle, where it lay in state until noon the following day. Until after midnight on Saturday there was a constant stream of people to see the body, and at daylight the next morning the rush began again, continuing until the beginning of the funeral services. Nearly eighteen thousand persons saw the corpse, which was arrayed in the sacred temple or endowment robes, consisting of the garment, shirt, apron, robe, cap, and shoes, all. of fine linen. The coffin was of California redwood, varnished, and without ornament. The lining was white satin. The corpse rested on a wool mattress. The arrangements were all in accordance with written instructions given by Brigham Young in 1873, which instructions were read at the funeral, as follows:

"I, Brigham Young, wish my funeral services to be conducted in the following manner: When I breathe my last, I wish my friends to put my body in as clean and wholesome a state as can conveniently be done, and preserve the same for one, two, three, or four days, or as long as my body can be preserved in good condition.

"I want my coffin made of plain one-and-a-quarter redwood boards, not scrimped in length, but two inches longer than I would measure, and from two to three inches wider than is commonly made for a person of my breadth and size, and deep

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enough to place me on a little comfortable cotton bed, with a good suitable pillow in size and quality. My body dressed in my Temple clothing, and laid nicely into my coffin, and the coffin to have the appearance that if I wanted to turn a little to the right or left I should have plenty of room to do so; the lid can be made crowning.

"At my interment I wish all my family present that can be conveniently, and the male members to wear no crape on their hats or coats; the females to buy no black bonnets or dresses nor black veils, but if they have them they are at liberty to wear them.

"And services may be permitted, as singing and a prayer offered, and if any of my friends wish to say a few words they are desired to do so.

"And when they close their services, to take my remains on a bier and repair to the little burying ground which I have reserved on my lot east of the White House on the hill. On the southeast corner of this lot I have a vault built of mason work large enough to receive my coffin, and that they may place in a box, if they choose, the same as the coffin --redwood-- then place rocks over the vault sufficiently large to cover it, that the earth may be placed over it--as fine dry earth as can be had to cover it until the walls of the little cemetery are hid, which ,will leave me in the southeast corner.

"This vault ought to be roofed over with some kind of temporarily roof. There let my earthly tabernacle rest in peace and comfort and have a good sleep until the morning of the first resurrection ---no crying world mourning with any one.

"I have done my work faithfully and in good faith. I wish this to be read at the funeral, provided that if I should die anywhere in the mountains I desire the above directions respecting my place of burial should be observed. But if I should live to get back to the church in Jackson County, Mo., I wish to be buried there." BRIGHAM YOUNG,

"President of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints."

The tabernacle was heavily draped, and profusely decorated with flowers, the dome being festooned with roses, bouquets, and baskets of flowers, and wreaths were suspended from the pillars and the gallery. The coffin leas placed in front of the ,elevated platform, resting on a modest catafalque. Two hours before the opening of the services the gallery and about half of the body of the building for the public were filled, and thousands of persons were unable to gain admission to the tabernacle. Ten tiers of seats in front of the stand were occupied by the family and relatives of the deceased Prophet, numbering several hundred. The arrangement was in accordance with the church rules. The stands in front of the organ were occupied

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by high church authorities. John W. Young and Daniel H. Wells, counsellors to Brigham, and Brigham Young, Jr., and George Q. Cannon were in the upper stand. Ten of the apostles were next below, and the High Council still lower. The bishops were on the north platform, and the City Council on the south. In front, behind the family, were the quorums of seventies, high priests, elders, teachers, deacons, etc. There were not less than 11,000 persons in the building.

At 11 1/2 the family gathered around and gazed for the last time on the corpse. All his wives and children, with few exceptions, were present, and there were scores of grandchildren and relatives more distant. The demonstrations of grief were few, although all seemed sad and full of mourning. Previous to the services, the coffin was elevated in full view of the entire assemblage. From 9 o'clock the organ had been playing appropriate pieces, "The Dead March in Saul," Mendelssohn's funeral march, and a march composed for the occasion by a Mormon. George Q. Cannon was master of ceremonies, and promptly at noon announced the beginning with the hymn, "Hark from Afar," which was sung by the Tabernacle choir of 220 voices. The opening prayer was offered by Apostle Franklin D. Richards, who thanked God that when he took Joseph Smith he gave the saints for a leader Brigham Young, one of the noblest and purest of the royal family of heaven. Then followed a hymn, after which brief addresses were delivered by Daniel H. Wells and Apostles Wilford Woodruff, Erastus Snow, Geo. Q. Cannon, and John Taylor. Contrary to expectation, nothing was said in reference to the succession. The speakers confined themselves to laudations of Brigham and exhortations to the saints to remember and obey his counsels and advice, to proceed with the erection of temples, the foundations for four of which have been laid. All the elders expressed joy that Brigham had defeated the purposes of his enemies, and had died in his own house, surrounded by his family and friends. Mr. Cannon said that, while Brigham Young had been the brains, the Eastern star, and the tongue of the saints for more than thirty years, be was only the agent of God, who would carry on the work of Mormonism always. It was a significant fact that John W. Young and Brigham Young, Jr., both aspirants for the Presidency of the Church, occupied the seats of their father and his counsellors. Many people thought they should have been with the family or with the apostles.

A hymn composed for the occasion and the benediction by Apostle Orson Hyde closed the services in the Tabernacle. The procession then formed and marched eight abreast to the cemetery, half a mile distant.

Four thousand persona were in the line, marching with uncovered heads. The ceremonies at the grave were brief, con-

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sisting only of a hymn sung by the Glee Club and a prayer by Apostle Woodruff, dedicating the vault, the coffin and the body.

The coffin, enclosed in a rough box, was lowered into the vault, and the wives and children gathered around, but the lid was not removed. Brigham's first wife stood by the grave for some time, leaning on the arm of Amelia, the favorite. The spectators were then allowed to pass by the tomb, after which it was closed and sealed.

The vault is of cut sandstone, eight feet long, four feet wide, and three feet high, internal measurement. The stone blocks are laid in cement and pinned together with steel bars, sent through each block horizontally and vertically. The cover is of seven inch flagging, pinned to the walls with iron bars.

Brigham Young was the father of fifty-six children, forty-four of whom are now alive-sixteen sons and twenty-eight daughters. He leaves seventeen wives, not including Ann Eliza. He has left his family well provided for, apportioning property to each member. His estate is valued at from six to seven millions of dollars.

BRIGHAM'S SUCCESSORS

On the evening of September 10, 1877, the Apostles of the

Mormon Church, joined by John W. Young and Daniel H. Wells, late counsellors of Brigham Young, published a circular saying that on September 4 they held a meeting, and waited upon the Lord who blessed them, and who revealed to them the steps they should take. John Taylor, senior apostle, acting president of the twelve, is unanimously sustained in that position; also that a quorum of the Twelve Apostles shall be the authority of the Church. This was the plan pursued at the time of the death of Joe Smith, and was so ordered by Smith and sustained by Brigham. To facilitate the transaction of business it was ordered that President John Taylor be assisted by John W. Young, Daniel H. Wells and Geo. Q. Cannon.

THE END.